At the Crossroads: A Moment of Bifurcation

The terrible scenario. Leave everything as it is, change nothing. Eliminate from the media and the blogosphere any reference to 24 June and its figures.

3 mins read
[Image Credit: www.geopolitika.ru]

I have noticed that the consciousness of many people [Russian citizens, ed.] cannot cope with the events of 24 June. So they tend to say: ‘it didn’t happen’; ‘it wasn’t real’; ‘they were there on purpose’. This is the only way to numb the acute pain of what happened. When it comes to the defensive reaction of a broad society not particularly immersed in the sphere of meanings, in this case the meanings of political science, this is understandable and acceptable: loopholes are sought for the continuity of the routine flow of the life-world, in which events are microscopic or non-existent; but when the same thing begins to be conveyed by those who claim to be serious and deep in analysis, it simply looks pathetic. Indeed, the acute phase of the events of 24 June has been resolved, but nothing is quite over yet: some concrete action on the part of the authorities to clarify the picture must follow, and only then will there be some clarity. In the meantime, it might be premature to comment on the meanings, as the whole process is not complete, the outcome could be different. What has begun and continues makes sense at its conclusion, but not before. There is little to be done while such a critical chain of events unfolds. A full analysis awaits us.

What happened on 24 June 2023, however, was the first chord of a monstrous catastrophe, a Russian state incident that was avoided at the last moment and, in fact, at a very high price.

So far, in essence, the problem of passionality has manifested itself clearly. When it is fatally missing at the centre of the system, it begins to spontaneously concentrate at the periphery. At one pole, we see a clear surplus of passionality but, at the other, there is a clear lack. This, it seems, is the main energetic problem of power and needs to be solved urgently.

In terms of Pareto’s theory of elites, it is described as a conflict of elites and counter-elites. If the elite, which is already in power, does not possess a sufficient amount of power, sooner or later it will inevitably be overthrown by the counter-elite, which is not admitted to power, but which has an excess of power qualities.

The question of legality and legitimacy, then, has become acute: the rebels have radicalised the problem, but they have only raised it, it has not been definitively resolved, but now it is here with us and cannot be escaped.

This is a turning point, a bifurcation point. In short, there are two decision-making scenarios: the good and the terrible. There is apparently nothing good about the current situation, just as there is simply nothing bad. A bad scenario will immediately turn into a terrible scenario.

Let’s look at the good scenario. Personnel decisions in some crucial agencies and so far almost everything is obvious. Some have proven to be heroes, others traitors and cowards. The undisputed heroes are Putin and Lukashenko, they were the ones who saved the country, hovering over the abyss, but those who made this situation possible, who fostered it, who failed to prevent it, and who, when it started, were unable to respond appropriately, should bid them a fond farewell. Such a decision will strengthen the position of the supreme power and restore the shaken respect for it, the faith in the power of the true Sovereign.

However, attention must now be paid to the generalised programme that Prigozhin has hastily promulgated: society sorely lacks justice, honour, courage and intelligence on the part of the elites. Such a lack is already causing an explosion. So why should this idea not be adopted by the authorities themselves? Putin is now (and always has been) in a position where he can do it and will surely succeed. Hence:

  • Rotate the elites,
  • punish the cowards and traitors
  • reward the loyal and courageous,
  • correction of ideology towards patriotic self-consciousness, social justice and real inclusion of society in the war.

Less PR, more reality and everything will fall into place.

In general, replacing reality with PR is an absolute evil. Sooner or later this bubble will burst, and if instead of a political system we only have a grandiose media fiction, disaster is inevitable and above all: the laws of lies sooner or later make us believe our own lies. This is the final stage.

The terrible scenario. Leave everything as it is, change nothing. Eliminate from the media and the blogosphere any reference to 24 June and its figures. Criminalise any calls for patriotism in reference to the mutiny. Blame everything on the West and its machinations. Conclude in favour of liberalism and flood everything with PR techniques and victory speeches.

I don’t want to scare you, but I suggest you soberly imagine the consequences of such a decision. Exactly what it was, led to what happened. If nothing is changed, the disaster will repeat itself and this time it will be fatal.

Whoever has a higher degree of passion wins, the spirit wins. There are soldiers and warriors, the task is to awaken the warriors in the soldiers.

Woe to us if we learn the wrong lesson from what happened!

We must recover immediately. The enemy is launching its second, more powerful wave of attack. The only way to defeat the Wagner insurgency is to become Wagner ourselves.

We need an army of victors.

Translation by Lorenzo Maria Pacini

Aleksandr Gelyevich Dugin

Aleksandr Gelyevich Dugin is a Russian political theorist known for his nationalist views and controversial ideologies. He advocates for a Eurasian empire, challenges Western liberal democracy, and promotes a multipolar world order. Dugin's ideas have influenced nationalist and far-right movements, but his radicalism and alleged connections to fringe groups have drawn criticism. Despite the controversy, he remains a significant figure in the study of Russian political thought and geopolitics.

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