In September 2003, a confidential diplomatic cable from the United States Embassy in Colombo compiled detailed biographical sketches of several emerging Sri Lankan political figures who were seen at the time as rising leaders across the country’s political spectrum. The cable, classified confidential and authored under the supervision of Deputy Chief of Mission James F. Entwistle, provided concise but revealing assessments of ten politicians from different parties, noting their backgrounds, political connections, personal reputations, and even their ability to speak English.
The document described politicians from the governing United National Party (UNP), the opposition People’s Alliance (PA), as well as representatives from the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), and the Muslim National Unity Alliance (NUA). One of the profiles also focused on a female politician, highlighting the limited but notable presence of women in Sri Lankan politics at the time.
Among the UNP figures profiled was Navin Dissanayake, who at the time was a 34-year-old Member of Parliament representing the central highlands district of Nuwara Eliya. First elected in 2000 and re-elected in 2001, he was serving as Deputy Minister of Plantation Industries. The cable emphasized his influential political lineage, noting that his father, Gamini Dissanayake, had been a major UNP leader assassinated in 1994 by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). It also pointed out Dissanayake’s personal ties within the party establishment through his marriage into the family of Karu Jayasuriya, then the UNP’s deputy leader and Minister of Power and Energy. While describing him as a rising figure within the party, the cable also suggested that he had a somewhat controversial reputation and strained relations with Arumugam Thondaman, leader of the Ceylon Workers’ Congress, the dominant political force among estate Tamils in the region. It further suggested that Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe reportedly viewed Dissanayake as a “loose cannon.” The cable nonetheless described him as friendly toward the United States, noting his participation in a US government–sponsored conference in Hawaii. Educated at Royal College in Colombo, he graduated from the University of Sussex in the United Kingdom and trained as a lawyer at Middle Temple in London. According to the cable, he spoke excellent English and was identified as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
Another UNP politician highlighted was Sajith Premadasa, then 36 years old and representing Hambantota district in southern Sri Lanka. Like Dissanayake, Premadasa had first entered Parliament in 2000 and was re-elected in 2001. At the time he was serving as Deputy Minister of Health and Nutrition. The cable noted that his political standing was deeply linked to his father, former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who had been assassinated in 1993 by the LTTE. Because of his father’s extensive network within the UNP, Premadasa was seen as having significant advantages as he attempted to climb the party’s leadership ranks. The cable described him as a well-informed and energetic Member of Parliament. His education included studies at Royal College as well as time in the United Kingdom and the United States. His wife, Hema Premadasa, was described as a prominent social figure in Colombo. The cable stated that Premadasa spoke excellent English and identified him as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
The cable also profiled Chandrani Jayasinghe, then a 39-year-old UNP Member of Parliament representing Anuradhapura district in the north-central part of the country. She had been elected to Parliament in both the 2000 and 2001 elections. Jayasinghe came from a political family; her father, the late Chandra Bandara, had served as Minister of Power and Energy in the government of President J.R. Jayewardene. The cable described her as a potential candidate for a ministerial or deputy ministerial post in any future reshuffle. Educated at St. Bridget’s Convent in Colombo and later at Sri Lanka Law College, she practiced law in Anuradhapura along with her husband. According to the assessment, she spoke good English and was identified as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
Another UNP figure included in the cable was Sagala Ratnayake, a 35-year-old Member of Parliament from Matara district in southern Sri Lanka. Like many of his peers, Ratnayake entered Parliament in 2000 and secured re-election in 2001. He served as Deputy Minister of Power and Energy under Karu Jayasuriya. The cable noted that Ratnayake was a close ally of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and described him as an effective vote-getter with a relaxed and approachable personality. His father, Kolitha Ratnayake, had been chairman of the State Plantation Corporation and owner of a major tea estate. Sagala Ratnayake studied at Royal College in Colombo before continuing his education abroad at Lewis and Clark College in Portland, Oregon, and later earning a bachelor’s degree in business administration from the University of Munich in Germany. The cable recorded that he spoke good English and was a Sinhalese Buddhist.
From the opposition People’s Alliance, the cable included a profile of Arjuna Ranatunga, then 40 years old and representing Colombo district. Ranatunga was already a national icon due to his earlier career as captain of Sri Lanka’s national cricket team. He had led the team between 1989 and 1999, including its historic victory at the 1996 Cricket World Cup, which cemented his status as a national hero. The cable noted that Ranatunga entered politics after retiring from cricket and was elected to Parliament in 2001. His father, Reggie Ranatunga, was also a Member of Parliament representing Gampaha district. According to the document, President Chandrika Kumaratunga reportedly encouraged him to run as a People’s Alliance candidate. Ranatunga was also involved in private business, particularly in the insurance sector. He was educated at Ananda College, a prominent Buddhist school in Colombo, and was described as speaking excellent English while identifying as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
Another People’s Alliance politician mentioned was Vadivel Puththirasigamoney, a 52-year-old Member of Parliament from Nuwara Eliya district. His political career had included several shifts in allegiance. Initially elected in 2000 as a UNP member, he later switched parties and entered Parliament again in 2001 through the People’s Alliance national list. Puththirasigamoney had long been active in political and social movements representing the interests of the Tamil tea estate community. Earlier in his career he was associated with the Ceylon Workers’ Congress and served on a high-level committee within the party while representing its estate trade union. His decision to switch political affiliations strained relations with both the UNP and the Ceylon Workers’ Congress. Prior to becoming a Member of Parliament, he served as Deputy Mayor of Nuwara Eliya. The cable stated that he spoke excellent English and identified him as a Tamil Hindu.
Dilan Perera, another People’s Alliance figure, was 41 at the time and represented the Badulla district in the central highlands. First elected to Parliament in 1994, he had remained in office since then. In the previous People’s Alliance government he served as Deputy Minister of Justice. Before entering national politics he had been a member of the Uva Provincial Council. The cable described him as a close associate of Dr. Sarath Amunugama, a senior People’s Alliance figure and key party spokesman. Perera was educated at Royal College and Sri Lanka Law College and maintained a legal practice in Badulla. He was described as speaking good English and identified as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
The cable also included Vijitha Herath of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, then a 40-year-old Member of Parliament from Gampaha district. The JVP was known for tightly controlling public messaging, but Herath had emerged as one of the party’s few visible public representatives. The cable described him as intelligent and articulate and noted his close relationship with JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva. Herath had strongly criticized the direction of the Sri Lankan peace process at the time. The cable also noted that he had visited North Korea and publicly expressed admiration for its political system, comments that contributed to his reputation as a firebrand even within the norms of the JVP. Though he had been a member of the party during its violent insurrection in 1988–89, the cable stated that he was not involved in the armed wing or implicated in attacks on the government. He spoke some English and was identified as a Sinhalese Buddhist.
From the Tamil National Alliance, the cable profiled Gajendra Kumar Ponnambalam, then just 29 years old and representing Jaffna district through the All-Ceylon Tamil Congress. His political lineage was significant. His father, Kumar Ponnambalam, had been the leader of the ACTC but was assassinated in 2000. His grandfather, G.G. Ponnambalam, founded the party and was one of the most influential Tamil politicians in Sri Lanka from independence in 1948 until the 1970s. The cable described Gajendra Ponnambalam as intelligent and articulate, strongly advocating Tamil political causes while maintaining a position supportive of the peace process. It suggested he was relatively close to the LTTE, although he was willing to criticize the group privately. A trained lawyer, he spoke excellent English and was identified as a Tamil Hindu.
Finally, the cable described M.L.A.M. Hizbullah of the Muslim National Unity Alliance, then 40 years old and representing Batticaloa district in eastern Sri Lanka. Hizbullah had entered Parliament in 1989 and was closely associated with Ferial Ashraff, leader of the NUA. He was also known as a political rival of Rauf Hakeem, leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. The cable characterized him as supportive of the peace process but strongly critical of the LTTE, particularly regarding the group’s treatment of Muslim communities in eastern Sri Lanka. Hizbullah was described as a highly effective vote-getter with a warm and friendly personality. Although mildly critical of United States policy in the Middle East, he condemned terrorism and avoided public criticism of the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. According to the cable, he spoke excellent English and was identified as a Muslim.
