Whenever the issue of Baloch self-determination is raised, the same dismissive responses follow: “When were the Baloch not consulted? When were they denied agency?”
Officially, Baloch citizens do vote, and Baloch politicians do sit in Parliament. But do these figures genuinely represent the will of the people? Or are authentic voices filtered out before they can reach the halls of power?
The problem runs deeper than Balochistan’s limited seats or peripheral political influence. The core issue is systematic exclusion: grassroots leaders are barred through engineered elections, coercion, or bureaucratic sabotage.
Why suppress them? Simple – their demands for justice threaten the entrenched interests of Pakistan’s establishment, ruling civil elite, feudal lords, and their imperialist backers (be it China’s resource grabs or America’s geopolitical games). The Baloch struggle isn’t just about representation; it’s about dismantling a colonial pipeline masquerading as democracy.
Take the Sui gas lease issue as an example. Recently, the Balochistan government signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the federal government, extending Pakistan Petroleum Limited’s (PPL) lease on the Sui gas field for another 10 years (from 1 June 2015 to 31 May 2025). In return, PPL agreed to pay 60 billion rupees.
This issue has been a point of contention between the federation and the province since 2015. After the 18th Constitutional Amendment, all successive governments in Balochistan refused to sign this agreement. However, the current Balochistan government – a coalition of PML-N and PPP – approved the same deal without any amendments. Who led this move? None other than the Chief Minister of Balochistan, who is also the so-called public representative of Sui-Dera Bugti.
During the caretaker government, he served as the Interior Minister and was responsible for conducting elections 90 days prior. Interestingly, he was not affiliated with any political party at the time. Suddenly, the PPP allied with him. He resigned from his position, contested the elections, and within no time, became a member of the provincial assembly. Then, bypassing all senior leadership, the PPP made him Chief Minister. This raised suspicions that he was brought in to fulfil an agenda – one that previous governments had rejected.
This deadlock was broken when the Council of Common Interests (CCI), headed by caretaker Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar, directed the Petroleum Division in its meeting on 29 January 2024 to approve the Sui lease and referred the matter to the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) for a unilateral federal decision.
And who was Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar? The same man who was supposed to represent Balochistan but blindly followed orders. The truth is that the caretaker government had no constitutional authority to make such a decision. Since the ECC under the caretaker setup had no provincial representation, its decision was unconstitutional – but who would question it?
The current provincial government has now endorsed this unconstitutional decision.
Article 172(3), introduced through the 18th Amendment, established joint and equal ownership of natural gas and oil between the federation and the provinces.
The Sui gas lease was originally granted to PPL in 1955 for 30 years and was later extended for another 30 years in 1985. It expired on 31 May 2015. After that, the federation unilaterally extended it for another year under the old terms, which the then-Balochistan government strongly protested.
In 2016, an interim agreement was reached, allowing PPL to continue operations under the 2012 policy – paying 55% wellhead price as royalty and bonuses – until a final agreement was made.
The Balochistan government sent a draft agreement in 2017, demanding: a 50% administrative and board share in a new company (SPV); 50% share in net profits; royalties, rent, and other payments. However, the federation rejected this proposal. Later, the federal government illegally extended the lease through Statutory Regulatory Orders (SROs). The Balochistan government approached judicial, legislative, and administrative forums but saw no meaningful results.
Former Chief Minister Dr. Malik Baloch filed a petition in the Supreme Court and imposed a ban on new projects. The CCI discussed the issue in multiple meetings but reached no clear decision.
In 2016, the Senate’s Functional Committee on Devolution reviewed the matter and referred it to the Senate Chairman for interpretation, who ruled in favour of the provinces. Yet, this decision remains unimplemented to this day.
Now, the current Balochistan government has surrendered its joint ownership rights over the Sui gas field. Instead of demanding its rightful share in net profits, it settled for royalties, lease extension bonuses, and production bonuses.
Estimates suggest that from 2011 to 2025, Balochistan’s share in net profits would have been around 75 to 80 billion rupees – a massive loss for the province.
To make matters worse, the government has legalised the illegal extraction of gas from 2017 to 2024. Additionally, promises made to the local population remain unfulfilled. The agreement between Pakistan Petroleum Limited and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti included: 1,500 jobs, educational scholarships, and development projects. Yet, most of these promises remain unfulfilled. Even the library built in Sui struggles to pay its electricity bills, and the rehiring of 250-plus retired employees’ children has not materialised.
Until the province gains control over its resources and its true representatives are included in decision-making, conflicts will persist. If the federal system does not respect provincial rights or ensure fair resource distribution, then claims of democracy are nothing but a facade.
For the people of Balochistan to secure their rightful due, their genuine representation must be acknowledged, they must have control over their resources, and the centre must prioritise consultation over unilateral decisions. Otherwise, this is neither democracy nor justice – it is exploitation in a new form.
This agreement is not just a violation of constitutional principles but also an attempt at systematic exploitation of Balochistan’s resources. If provinces continue surrendering their joint ownership, administrative authority, and financial rights, it poses a serious threat not only to Balochistan but to the entire federal structure.
Given all this, even an ordinary person can deduce that Balochistan’s issue is tied to democracy. Only when a true democratic system is restored in Pakistan will Balochistan’s problems find a resolution.
