“When I am formulated, sprawling on a pin” (from T.S. Eliot’s poem The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock, first published 1915)
Click here for Part One and here for Part Two to read the previous parts of this series.
In moments of self-reflection, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake probably feels as Prufrock does—helplessly exposed to the probing, judgemental gaze of the public, like an anaesthetised insect—perhaps a cockroach—pinned down on a dissecting table in a school science lab. There are several similarities and differences between the fictional Prufrock and the real Dissanayake, particularly regarding their culturedness (or lack thereof) and self-conscious pretensions. But this is no time for a lecture on English poetry.
I concluded Part II with the question (rephrased): do the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) members believe that all ordinary Sri Lankans approve of their method of combating corruption and share their deeply negative view of 76 years of post-independence national development with equal conviction and commitment? The obvious answer is that the Malimawans do believe so. But the reality is quite different. Increasing numbers of ordinary Sri Lankans have begun to suspect that the Malimawans are not genuinely serious about eliminating corruption. There is a perception that they are beholden to certain unscrupulous businessmen who have contributed lavishly to the JVP’s party coffers, and that they are succumbing to the neoliberal economic policies introduced 47 years ago—policies they once fought tooth and nail, even shedding their blood. Now, they appear to be doing the very opposite of what they once promised.
Public dissent against these unexpected about-turns could provoke an equally harsh reaction from the Malimawans. The JVP has a history of resorting to violent repression, fuelled by a sense of righteous indignation and their own internal logic. A recent example is a viral Meta/Facebook video criticising the government, uploaded by a Ranil Wickremesinghe supporter in Matale, central Sri Lanka. A local JVP member visited the activist to demand the video’s removal and issued a dire warning upon refusal. This incident could be an early sign of potential future authoritarian suppression of democratic dissent under a Malimawa administration. More serious instances of suppression, such as the recent physical attack on a rival activist in Kamburupitiya, are becoming alarmingly frequent.
Does the current performance of the NPP represent a significant enough departure from the Gotabaya Rajapaksa legacy to justify their apparent intolerance of criticism?
The previous presidential and parliamentary elections, held on 16 November 2019 and 5 August 2020 respectively, brought Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or Pohottuwa), led by his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa, to power. These elections can be contrasted with those of 21 September and 13 November 2024, which saw Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) emerge victorious. The earlier elections focused on a clear-cut policy framework for a unitary state with a single legal system under the One Country, One Law principle.
This principle was deemed essential for social cohesion in a multi-ethnic society and national security, particularly in a nation recently freed from separatist terrorism. Key election pledges included a homegrown, people-centred economic development model prioritising semi-urban and rural areas, an independent, non-aligned foreign policy, corruption-free civil administration, and the creation of a knowledge- and technology-based society founded on high moral and ethical values (as outlined in the SLPP’s 2019 election manifesto).
The SLPP manifesto promised to reinforce the economic successes of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s decade-long tenure (2005–2014), during which the country achieved middle-income status with a 7-8% growth rate by the end of 2014, according to World Bank assessments. This was achieved despite fighting a costly war against terrorism and foreign interference. However, five years of Yahapalanaya (2015–2019), enabled by those same external influences, reduced the nation to penury and saw growth plummet to 2-3%. Did the Malimawa manifesto promise any real deviation from the IMF-dependent economic model that Yahapalanaya followed?
The JVP/NPP’s 2024 manifesto failed to offer as clear a vision as the SLPP’s 2019 programme. The reputedly Marxist Malimawans pledged to continue with the neoliberal reforms outlined in Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Economic Transformation Bill of May 2024. This bill stipulated that “Foreign investments shall be permitted into all sectors and regions of Sri Lanka. Foreign investors shall be permitted to own one hundred per centum of the shares in entities engaged in such sectors and regions, unless otherwise determined by regulations…” This compliance with stringent IMF conditions runs counter to traditional Marxist principles. The recent budget proposals (announced on 17 February) provide a thinly veiled confirmation of these economic policies.
Just days before the budget debate, former MP Wimal Weerawansa, leader of the Jathika Nidahas Peramuna (National Freedom Front) and a former JVP member, described the JVP/NPP (Malimawa) as a left-neoliberal alliance. Essentially, the Malimawa manifesto appears to replicate the economic and constitutional reforms attempted during the Yahapalanaya period following the foreign-engineered regime change of 2015—now linked to the ongoing USAID controversy.
At the Nava Yugayaka Arambuma (Beginning of a New Era) Independence Day ceremony on 4 February 2025, President Dissanayake proclaimed, “Instead of celebrating Independence Day by looking backward, this time, we observe the day by looking towards the future.” However, he made only passing reference to the republican changes of 1972—perhaps to ease his conscience.
In a notable departure from tradition, Dissanayake revised the famous Five Great Forces (Pancha Maha Balavegaya) mobilised by SWRD Bandaranaike during the 1956 democratic revolution. AKD excluded the Sangha (Buddhist monastic order) and instead included the security forces. This deliberate omission may have been intended to underscore his secular credentials.
This exclusion, however, has alienated many, particularly among the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, who have no other homeland in which to assert their over two-millennia-old cultural identity. His controversial gestures—such as tearing off a pirith noola blessed by a monk, bypassing the traditional singing of Jayamangala Gathas at parliament openings, and curtly dismissing a monk’s blessing at a public event in Kurunegala—have not endeared him to the broader public.
It is time for AKD to reconsider his overt displays of ‘secularism’—which, I believe, he and his followers have thoroughly misunderstood—for his own good and, more importantly, for the good of the country.
Rumours persist of attempts to revive the UNP by reconciling with deserters, including their leader Sajith Premadasa. As of now, this reconciliation appears to be progressing ahead of the Provincial Council elections. However, it seems unlikely that the two factions will contest as a united front. The history of those behind this manoeuvre—key figures in the unpopular Yahapalanaya regime—might not deter Northern and Eastern voters from renewing their support for Ranil and Sajith.
Despite AKD’s bold demeanour abroad, at home, he appears as hesitant as a cockroach, seemingly reluctant to face the implications of the “cockroach hypothesis” of efficient market theory (which suggests that when bad news surfaces, more is likely to follow).
But take this as a friendly challenge, Mr President.
“Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them,” as Shakespeare wrote. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, prove yourself worthy of the greatness you have both achieved through hard work and had thrust upon you by the tides of global politics. You now hold an unprecedented opportunity to save our beloved Motherland without betraying her for short-term political gain. I believe you are patriotic and self-sacrificing at heart. Good luck to you!
Concluded
