In the last presidential election, the Cardinal and the Church were faced with three potential candidates: Ranil, Sajith, and Anura. Of the three, Ranil’s father hailed from a Christian family, and his brother held the position of Bishop of the Kurunegala District in the Christian Church. This familial connection led the SLFP and the JVP to brand Ranil as the “Don Juan Dharmapala” of the Church. During that time, the Catholic Church advocated for a peaceful resolution to the war in the North, and in 2002, Ranil, who had assumed the role of Prime Minister, declared a ceasefire and initiated the peace process. The Church’s stance was based on the suffering endured by Catholic civilians in the North and East, as well as by the Church’s clergy, at the hands of both Prabhakaran’s forces and the army.
Sajith’s father had also contributed significantly to the Church, notably by building homes, water facilities, and toilets at the Madu Church during Premadasa’s time as Prime Minister. He was a respected leader, having served as Prime Minister and President of the UNP, a party that shared close ties with the Church. The Kochchikade Church, which had been destroyed in the wake of the 2019 Easter bombings, was swiftly rebuilt by Sajith Premadasa, who was then the Housing Minister. The Cardinal and the Church publicly commended him for his efforts. However, in the 2019 presidential election, the Cardinal personally supported Gotabaya, believing that justice for the victims of the Easter attacks could only be realised if Gotabaya emerged victorious. Despite this, Sajith was defeated, and Gotabaya, once in power, did little to further the investigations into the attacks. At that point, Sajith and the Samagi Jana Balawegaya party took up the cause, tirelessly advocating in Parliament to uncover the mastermind behind the Easter attacks and standing in solidarity with the Cardinal in this pursuit.
In contrast, Anura Kumara largely ignored the issue of the Easter attacks during Gotabaya’s administration, treating it as a secondary concern. Nalinda, who distanced himself by aligning with India, managed to avoid the matter. Even when the Samagi Jana Balawegaya raised questions about the mastermind in the early days of Gotabaya’s presidency, Anura and the JVP did not make it a central issue. When Deshabandu, appointed as the IGP by Ranil, openly criticised the Cardinal and Catholic priests, neither Anura nor the JVP spoke out in defence of the Church. It was only as the 2024 presidential election approached that Anura began to focus on the Easter attacks as a primary issue. This shift occurred after former JVP leaders from the 1971 insurrection, who had been working closely with the Catholic Church, intervened to foster a relationship between Anura and the Cardinal.
Rohana Wijeweera, the leader of the JVP, had married a Catholic woman, despite the Catholic Church’s longstanding opposition to Marxism. The Church had been highly critical of Marxism, especially during the 1971 insurrection. Wijeweera’s wife had married him under the pressure of her brother, one of Wijeweera’s followers. Despite the Church’s disapproval of Marxism, certain factions within the Church had provided support to the insurrection. Bishop Leo Nanayakkara of Kandy played a significant role in supporting the JVP, a stance that was in stark contrast to the position of other bishops who denounced the insurrection. After the failure of the revolt, the JVP and the Church worked together to create several organisations aimed at assisting the oppressed rebels. These included the ‘Centre for Society and Religion,’ ‘Sathyodaya,’ ‘Thulana Research Centre,’ and the ‘Centre for Janaawabodi,’ among others.
Following the release of Wijeweera and other rebel leaders, the JVP collaborated with these Church-initiated organisations. The establishment of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Sri Lanka was, in many ways, a Church initiative, and several JVP leaders went on to head these institutions. In 1988, amidst the crushing defeat of the JVP, the organisations led by these Church-backed NGOs began promoting the slogans of ‘democracy’ and ‘media freedom’ against the Premadasa government. During the 1988 revolt, the JVP’s unofficial radio station, Veritas Radio, which was run by the Church, became a vital communication channel for the JVP cadres, in an era devoid of social media or private television and radio stations.
The Catholic Church also played a crucial role in helping JVP members seek refuge in Italy during the 1988-89 suppression. Fr. Tissa Balasooriya, head of the Centre for Society and Religion, served as the chief peace envoy for the JVP during peace talks with the then National Security Minister, Lalith Athulathmudali. These talks, however, ultimately failed. Meanwhile, Pope John Paul II issued a New Year message from the Vatican, condemning the killings carried out by the Premadasa government to crush the JVP. In contrast, the Maha Nayake Theros in Sri Lanka refrained from issuing any statements condemning the massacre. Church-backed NGOs were also instrumental in bringing about Chandrika Kumaratunga’s presidency in 1994.
In the more recent presidential elections, these NGOs once again exerted significant influence, aligning the Cardinal and other Church leaders with Anura. They convinced the Cardinal that only the JVP, which operates outside the current political system, could unearth the truth behind the Easter Sunday attacks. Some, however, harbour suspicions that the JVP, alongside these NGOs, may once again be manipulating the Cardinal for their own ends.
