The end of Viktor Orbán’s long domination of Hungary arrived not with spectacle, but with ceremony. Inside Budapest’s vast neo-Gothic parliament building, beneath vaulted ceilings that once symbolized the permanence of his rule, lawmakers confirmed the rise of a new prime minister and the collapse of one of Europe’s most entrenched illiberal governments. Péter Magyar, a 45-year-old conservative reformer and former insider of Orbán’s political camp, took office with a sweeping parliamentary majority and a pledge to overhaul the political order that shaped Hungary for nearly two decades.
Outside parliament, thousands gathered along the banks of the Danube, waving Hungarian and European Union flags as giant screens broadcast Magyar’s inaugural speech. The atmosphere was celebratory, emotional, and charged with expectations that many once believed impossible. For years, Orbán had appeared untouchable, admired by nationalist movements abroad and celebrated by right-wing populists across Europe and the United States as the architect of an “illiberal democracy” that rejected multiculturalism, liberal institutions, and Brussels’ authority. Now, the political machine he built has been defeated in dramatic fashion.
“The citizens do not want merely a change of government, but a change of system,” Magyar declared before parliament after securing 140 votes in favor of his appointment. His Tisza movement, which barely existed a few years ago, now commands a constitutional supermajority capable of rewriting laws and dismantling structures established under Orbán’s Fidesz party.
Orbán leaves behind a deeply divided country transformed by years of centralized power. During his 16 years in office, critics accused his administration of hollowing out democratic institutions while enriching a loyal business elite through state contracts and public procurement. Media outlets were gradually brought under government influence, the constitution was reshaped to strengthen executive control, and the judiciary lost much of its independence. European institutions repeatedly clashed with Budapest over rule-of-law concerns, eventually freezing billions of euros in EU funding.
Yet Orbán’s downfall was not driven by ideology alone. Hungary’s economy slowed sharply in recent years, inflation battered households, and public frustration mounted over constant confrontations with Brussels and Orbán’s close relationships with Russian President Vladimir Putin and former U.S. President Donald Trump. Many Hungarians grew weary of a political culture built around permanent conflict and the identification of enemies, whether migrants, European bureaucrats, journalists, or Ukraine.
Magyar’s rise has been fueled by promises to restore democratic norms and recover public money allegedly siphoned away under Orbán’s network of loyalists. One of the clearest signs of how quickly Hungary’s political climate has shifted came from businessman Gyula Balasy, a wealthy advertising magnate who thrived during the previous administration. His companies controlled vast state-funded media campaigns that promoted anti-migrant, anti-European Union, and anti-Ukraine messaging. Last week, in an emotional television interview, Balasy announced he would hand several of his companies over to the state, insisting they had effectively become extensions of government functions during Orbán’s rule.
The gesture failed to quiet public anger. Prosecutors continue to investigate allegations of illegal financial transfers and fiduciary crimes linked to businesses associated with the former regime. Magyar responded bluntly, accusing figures connected to Orbán’s system of enriching themselves while ordinary Hungarians struggled. “There is no forgiveness for those who robbed the Hungarian people,” he declared.
That sentiment increasingly reflects the national mood. Polls now show a majority of Hungarians believe Orbán himself should face legal scrutiny over actions taken while in office. Although still formally prime minister until Magyar’s swearing-in ceremony, Orbán largely vanished from public life after his electoral defeat and has announced he will not take a seat in the new parliament. His future has become the subject of intense speculation, particularly as investigations begin targeting some of the country’s wealthiest businessmen who prospered during the Fidesz era.
Among them is Lőrinc Mészáros, Orbán’s childhood friend and Hungary’s richest man, whose fortune ballooned from modest beginnings as a gas fitter into a multibillion-dollar empire built through state contracts and acquisitions. Authorities are now examining allegations involving one of his companies, while customs officials have reportedly blocked attempts by figures linked to the old establishment to move large sums of money abroad.
The speed with which parts of Hungary’s elite have begun distancing themselves from Orbán has stunned even political observers. Analysts describe a rapid process of self-preservation, as businessmen, media executives, and state officials adjust to the country’s new political reality. Some private media outlets once loyal to Fidesz have already changed editorial direction, while institutions that previously resisted investigations into corruption are beginning to reopen dormant cases.
Still, Magyar’s mandate, despite its overwhelming parliamentary majority, may prove more fragile than it appears. Surveys suggest many voters supported him less out of enthusiasm for his political vision than from exhaustion with Orbán’s rule. Expectations are enormous, and the challenges ahead are daunting.
Hungary faces a widening budget deficit after a spending surge by the outgoing government, raising fears that unpopular economic measures may soon become necessary. Magyar’s administration is urgently trying to unlock nearly €17 billion in frozen European Union funds withheld over democratic backsliding under Orbán. Financial markets are betting on success: the Hungarian forint has strengthened sharply against the euro in anticipation that at least part of the money will soon be released.
Foreign policy may prove equally complicated. While Magyar has promised to repair relations with Brussels, Hungarian public opinion remains skeptical about deeper European integration in some areas, especially concerning Ukraine. Many voters oppose eventual Ukrainian membership in the European Union and continue to favor access to relatively cheap Russian energy supplies. Orbán’s years-long campaign portraying Ukraine as a threat has left a lasting mark on public attitudes.
Magyar himself has tried to balance pro-European rhetoric with nationalist caution. He supports rebuilding ties with EU institutions but has pledged to hold a referendum on Ukrainian accession, a move critics say could limit Hungary’s flexibility at a critical moment for Europe.
Even as he promises political renewal, Magyar has already faced accusations of favoritism after appointing a longtime ally who later withdrew from consideration following criticism over family ties. The episode served as an early reminder that Hungarians who voted for change are watching carefully for signs that old habits may survive under new leadership.
For now, however, hope remains stronger than skepticism. Among the jubilant crowds outside parliament was Maria Pekar, who left Hungary nearly a decade ago after losing faith in the country’s future under Orbán. She returned to Budapest specifically for Magyar’s inauguration and now says she is considering moving home permanently.
“For the first time in years,” she said, “I feel proud to be Hungarian again.”
