Field Marshal Asim Munir has sought to redefine Pakistan’s place in an increasingly volatile international order by positioning the country as a pivotal diplomatic and security partner across the Middle East while simultaneously tightening military authority at home. As reported by the Financial Times, his strategy has elevated Pakistan’s visibility in regional affairs, strengthened ties with key international partners and reinforced his own position as the country’s de facto leader. Yet these ambitions unfold against the backdrop of severe economic fragility, deteriorating internal security and growing concerns over political repression.
The complexity of Munir’s approach became evident in April, when Saudi Arabia turned to Islamabad during a period of rapidly escalating tensions with Iran. On the evening of April 10, Saudi finance minister Mohammed al-Jadaan visited Islamabad’s Prime Minister House and requested Pakistan’s support as discussions also centred on financial assistance. Saudi Arabia, facing Iranian missile and drone attacks, wanted Pakistan, with which it had agreed a defence pact the previous year, to deploy personnel and military equipment.
Pakistan’s leadership confronted an immediate dilemma. Supporting Riyadh risked jeopardising planned peace discussions involving the United States and Iran while provoking domestic opposition among millions of Pakistanis who sympathise with Tehran. Yet the country’s financial dependence on Gulf allies had become impossible to ignore. Only days earlier, the United Arab Emirates had demanded immediate repayment of $3.5 billion in loans, equivalent to one-fifth of Pakistan’s central bank reserves.
According to people familiar with the discussions cited by the Financial Times, Munir authorised the deployment of fighter jets, airmen and a Chinese-made HQ-9 air-defence system to a Saudi air base overlooking Iran’s coastline. Within a week, Riyadh extended a fresh $3 billion loan to Islamabad, illustrating both Pakistan’s strategic value and the financial realities underpinning its foreign policy choices.
The episode reflects Munir’s broader effort to elevate Pakistan’s international influence by leveraging longstanding relationships with Saudi Arabia, China and the United States. His objective extends beyond immediate diplomatic gains. It is also an attempt to strengthen Pakistan’s regional standing in the face of India, its larger and economically stronger rival.
Retired brigadier Feroz Khan, who previously served on Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division overseeing the country’s nuclear arsenal, argues that while Pakistan remains permanently behind India in South Asia, it believes it can exert greater influence in the Middle East with the support of US Central Command and Saudi Arabia. That thinking has become increasingly visible as Pakistan has expanded co-ordination with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey following the conflict involving Iran. According to analysts cited by the Financial Times, this emerging grouping could serve as a counterweight to growing military co-operation between the United Arab Emirates, Israel and India.
Diplomatic momentum appeared to reach its peak when Munir hosted extensive negotiations involving US Vice-President JD Vance and Iranian leaders in April. Those discussions laid the foundations for the subsequent “Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding”, a 14-point ceasefire agreement intended to ease regional tensions.
However, the diplomatic breakthrough proved short-lived. Following Iranian attacks on shipping, US President Donald Trump declared the ceasefire over and resumed strikes against Iran. Tehran responded with missile and drone attacks against Gulf states while once again closing the Strait of Hormuz, through which almost all of Pakistan’s fossil-fuel imports pass. The rapid collapse of the ceasefire demonstrated the limitations of diplomacy amid escalating regional conflict.
While Munir projects Pakistan as a regional power broker abroad, critics argue that domestic crises demand greater attention. Former Pakistani ambassador to both the United States and the United Kingdom Maleeha Lodhi questioned whether international influence carries much value while Pakistan continues grappling with profound internal challenges, stating that the country first needs to address its own structural weaknesses.
Those weaknesses are considerable. Pakistan’s population of 255 million faces persistent debt burdens after receiving 25 International Monetary Fund bailouts. The official poverty rate climbed to a decade-high 29 per cent last year. At the same time, security forces continue fighting both Baloch separatists and the Pakistani Taliban, conflicts that have disrupted efforts to develop resource-rich regions and attract foreign investment.
Munir’s domestic agenda has centred on transforming Pakistan into what he describes as a “hard state”. Since becoming army chief in November 2022, he has expanded the military’s influence over civilian governance while strengthening the powers of Pakistan’s security apparatus. Following the 2024 elections, in which candidates loyal to former prime minister Imran Khan secured the largest number of seats, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government increasingly relied on military support to remain in office.
Parliament subsequently granted Munir unprecedented authority, extending his tenure as military chief and placing the air force and navy under his control. At the same time, critics argue that judicial independence has been weakened and public criticism of the military increasingly suppressed through new legislation and informal pressure.
Despite these measures, violence has intensified. Pakistan continues struggling to secure the 1,300-kilometre transport corridor linking Karachi with the mineral-rich regions bordering Iran and Afghanistan. Militant attacks have delayed development of Barrick Mining’s $9 billion Reko Diq copper and gold project, while a nearby China-backed mine has also threatened to suspend operations.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, last year marked the deadliest year for Pakistan’s security forces in more than two decades. Since January, more than 1,270 civilians and security personnel have been killed, representing a 26 per cent increase compared with the same period in 2025.
Military spokesperson Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry has defended the government’s security strategy, describing a “tiered approach” involving police reform, increased provincial spending and military operations against militant hideouts. He argued that local investment and development would eventually weaken what he described as the “terror-crime nexus”.
Others see the situation differently. Adeel Malik, associate professor of development economics at the University of Oxford, argued that restricting access to an independent judiciary, a free press and peaceful protest risks encouraging disaffected groups to take up arms. Nadia Baloch, a lawyer from Quetta, echoed concerns following the life sentence imposed on her sister Mahrang, a prominent activist whose supporters insist her movement remained entirely non-violent despite allegations brought under anti-terrorism legislation.
Alongside security concerns, Pakistan’s foreign relationships remain deeply intertwined with financial necessity. China remains Islamabad’s principal arms supplier and a major investor, while Saudi Arabia has become an indispensable financial lifeline. Military spokesperson Chaudhry rejected suggestions that April’s deployment to Saudi Arabia was connected to the subsequent $3 billion loan, insisting the relationship rests on longstanding religious ties and mutual respect rather than transactional exchanges.
Munir has also cultivated unusually close ties with Washington. Pakistan nominated Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize following his diplomatic intervention during last year’s conflict with India, while Trump later referred to Munir as his “favourite field marshal”. According to Asfandyar Mir of the Stimson Center, Munir accepted significant political risk by placing his reputation on diplomacy with Iran, a gamble that could easily have failed but was facilitated by Washington’s willingness to allow Pakistan greater diplomatic space.
Meanwhile, Pakistan has continued strengthening defence co-operation with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Discussions reportedly include joint aerial defence initiatives, while Turkey and Pakistan already collaborate on drone development. During the recent conflict, Islamabad also sought to use its relationships with both Riyadh and Tehran to discourage further regional escalation.
Yet these ambitions rest upon an economy struggling to sustain them. Although the IMF praised Pakistan’s implementation of its $7 billion bailout programme and official projections forecast economic growth of 3.7 per cent for the year to June 2026, structural vulnerabilities remain acute. Interest payments are expected to consume around 40 per cent of government revenues by June 2027, while the trade deficit has climbed to a four-year high of $39.6 billion. This week, Pakistan requested $10 billion in financial assistance from Washington to strengthen its foreign exchange reserves.
Despite calls for fiscal restraint, parliament approved an 18 per cent increase in defence spending last month. A military-led investment vehicle chaired by Munir has secured only a fraction of the $75 billion in Gulf financing originally envisaged, while foreign direct investment declined to $1.6 billion during the year to June. At the same time, European monitoring of Pakistan’s compliance with an important trade scheme raised concerns over enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and restrictions on freedom of expression.
As reported by the Financial Times, Munir’s effort to recast Pakistan as a more influential regional power has undoubtedly expanded the country’s diplomatic profile. Yet the same strategy continues to unfold amid unresolved economic fragility, persistent insecurity and increasing domestic repression, leaving open the question of whether growing international influence can ultimately outweigh the challenges confronting Pakistan at home.
