A package of laws modelled on Russian legislation has sharply curtailed the activities of non-governmental organisations in Georgia, prompting warnings from civil society leaders that democratic institutions and the rule of law are under growing strain. Despite sustained anti-government demonstrations, activists say repression and financial restrictions have significantly weakened civic engagement.
Georgia’s once-vibrant civil society is facing what campaigners describe as its most severe challenge since the country gained independence, following the introduction of legislation that has dramatically restricted the work of non-governmental organisations and intensified pressure on public dissent.
According to Tamta Mikeladze, director of the Centre for Social Justice (CJS), the current government led by Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze has “destroyed our civil society” through a wave of repressive measures that have fundamentally altered the operating environment for independent organisations.
The turning point came in the winter of 2024 after the governing Georgian Dream party secured victory in parliamentary elections that the opposition denounced as fraudulent. The government, which critics say is heavily influenced by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, whose fortune is estimated to exceed 20% of Georgia’s gross domestic product, subsequently introduced a package of laws governing associations inspired by legislation already in force in Russia.
The measures require non-governmental organisations receiving foreign funding to register as “foreign agents” and stipulate that such organisations may only receive financial support with government approval. Violations of the legislation can result in severe penalties, including prison sentences of up to six years.
For a country of 3.5 million people with a relatively weak economy and little tradition of philanthropic funding, civil society organisations argue that the legislation has placed many groups in an unsustainable position. Mikeladze warned that the sector faces “an existential threat”, describing the laws as part of an authoritarian project designed to silence independent organisations while undermining democratic institutions and the rule of law.
More than 18 months after the legislation was enacted, many organisations have either drastically reduced their activities or ceased operations altogether. A recent CJS study involving more than 100 associations found that only 7% continued to function in the same way as before the legal reforms. Meanwhile, 96% reported experiencing a serious shortage of resources, while 39% said they had no funding at all.
Those organisations that remain active have been forced to reduce staff numbers significantly and increasingly rely on volunteers. Mikeladze said the CJS itself previously employed around 30 staff members but now operates largely with the support of a small group of volunteers.
Despite these pressures, public opposition has continued. Since the most recent parliamentary elections, demonstrators have gathered outside Georgia’s Parliament every day in anti-government protests. Last week marked more than 600 consecutive days of demonstrations outside the legislature, although organisers say participation has declined because of growing fears of repression.
According to the Orbit monitoring project, the number of political prisoners is approaching 60, including politicians, journalists, intellectuals and students. Protesters also report widespread use of arrests, financial penalties and legal proceedings to discourage public participation.
Ketevan Khuskivadze, president of the Georgian Society of Hispanists, said she was violently arrested in November before being charged with insulting a police officer after spending three days in detention. She described the proceedings as “a farce” and said she was fined 5,000 lari, equivalent to several months’ salary. Similar penalties, she noted, can be imposed for blocking traffic or even standing in the middle of a pavement.
Activists estimate that hundreds of people have been subjected to such sanctions, with some campaigners facing cumulative fines of up to 90,000 lari. Natalie, a student participating in the demonstrations, said many of her fellow students had stopped attending protests because they feared imposing financial hardship on their families or risking employment consequences for relatives.
The protest movement initially emerged in 2023 following the first announcement of the so-called “Russian law on associations”. It later expanded to include allegations of electoral fraud and opposition to the government’s decision to halt Georgia’s European Union integration process, an objective supported by 70% of the population. Alongside Georgian national flags, demonstrators continue to display those of the European Union and Ukraine, while many identify the government’s relationship with Russia as their principal concern.
Eleonora Tafuro, director of the Caucasus and Central Asia Centre at the Italian think tank ISPI, cautioned against simply describing the Georgian government as pro-Russian, arguing that Georgian Dream is primarily focused on preserving its hold on power. While noting that Georgia has voted against Russia’s occupation of Ukraine at the United Nations, she observed that it has not imposed sanctions on Moscow. Nevertheless, Mikeladze expressed cautious optimism, arguing that despite increasing domestic consolidation of power, the government remains geopolitically vulnerable and that civil society must continue to resist and adapt.
