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China’s Middle East Gamble Faces Billions in Peril

A widening conflict around Iran threatens China’s energy lifelines, investments and booming export markets across the Middle East.

4 mins read
A worker checks coiled aluminium plates at a factory in China’s eastern Shandong province

China’s expanding economic footprint in the Middle East is facing one of its most serious tests in years as escalating conflict around Iran threatens trade routes, energy supplies and billions of dollars in investments across the region. According to reporting by the New York Times, the war has rapidly transformed what had become one of China’s most promising economic frontiers into a zone of rising financial risk.

Oil prices surged to their highest levels in four years after the United States and Israel launched attacks on Iran, a country that has become an important energy partner for Beijing. The conflict has also disrupted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical maritime corridors and a key route for Chinese oil imports and cargo shipments.

For China, the economic consequences could be severe. Over the past decade, Beijing has steadily expanded its commercial and financial ties across the Middle East, building markets for Chinese steel, electric vehicles, solar panels and technology while investing heavily in infrastructure and energy projects. Those ambitions are now under threat as the conflict spreads across the region.

Iran has played a particularly important role in China’s energy strategy. In recent years, Beijing has purchased large volumes of discounted Iranian crude, much of it moving through complex networks designed to bypass American sanctions. The arrangement provided China with relatively cheap energy while offering Iran a vital economic lifeline.

But the war has thrown that relationship into uncertainty. As fighting escalates and shipping lanes come under threat, China faces the possibility of losing access to one of its most affordable oil sources. That would force Chinese refiners to buy more expensive crude from other suppliers at a time when global energy prices are already rising.

China imports slightly more than half of its seaborne crude oil from the Middle East, and roughly a quarter of that supply comes from Iran. Industry data suggests that Iranian oil accounted for just over 13 percent of China’s seaborne crude imports in 2025. Losing that supply would not be catastrophic, but it would raise costs significantly and increase China’s dependence on other exporters.

The disruption is not limited to oil. The Strait of Hormuz is also a vital route for container ships transporting manufactured goods between Asia, Europe and the Middle East. With tensions rising and military activity intensifying, shipping traffic through the strait has dropped sharply.

Major shipping companies have already begun adjusting operations. The Chinese shipping giant Cosco halted new bookings through the strait, while the global container carrier Maersk suspended certain routes across the region. These decisions highlight how quickly the conflict has begun to affect international trade.

China’s economic exposure in the Middle East goes far beyond energy. Over the past decade, the region has become one of the fastest-growing markets for Chinese exports, particularly as Beijing’s trade relationship with the United States has deteriorated.

As tariffs and political tensions reduced China’s access to the American market, Chinese companies increasingly turned toward the Middle East as an alternative destination for goods ranging from vehicles to construction materials. According to the New York Times report, China’s exports to the region grew nearly twice as fast as its exports to the rest of the world in 2025.

The United Arab Emirates has become the fastest-growing overseas market for Chinese cars, reflecting rising demand for electric vehicles and affordable automobiles. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states have also dramatically increased their purchases of Chinese steel, with demand roughly doubling over the past year.

These trade relationships are supported by large-scale Chinese investment projects. Between 2019 and 2024, China invested roughly $89 billion directly into the Middle East, according to data cited by analysts from the Eurasia Group. That figure reflects a broader strategy in which Beijing has sought to expand its global economic influence through infrastructure construction, financing and technology exports.

Chinese financial institutions have extended loans for projects across the region, including oil refineries, seaports and energy facilities. Research by AidData, a policy institute at William and Mary, indicates that the share of China’s global lending portfolio directed toward the Middle East doubled to about 10 percent by 2023.

Several high-profile projects illustrate the scale of China’s involvement. In Qatar, Chinese banks are financing and helping build a major expansion of a liquefied natural gas facility known as the North Field East project. China’s state-owned energy giant Sinopec holds a stake in the development. The facility itself came under attack during the recent wave of regional violence.

Chinese companies are also deeply embedded in regional infrastructure. Investors from China have funded expansions at Israel’s Haifa Port and the Khalifa Port in the United Arab Emirates, with Chinese firms operating the resulting terminals. Across Iran, dozens of Chinese companies have financed or constructed power grids, petrochemical plants and transportation networks.

Water infrastructure has also become a major area of Chinese investment. The Middle East depends heavily on desalination plants to produce drinkable water, and Chinese engineering firms have built many of these facilities. Power Construction Corporation of China has played a central role in projects across Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Iraq.

Technology companies from China are expanding in the region as well. Firms such as Huawei, Alibaba and Tencent have established offices in Dubai, joining global technology giants that have made the city a major digital and financial hub. Chinese smartphone brands including Transsion, Xiaomi and Honor are steadily gaining market share in regional markets that were once dominated by South Korean and Western manufacturers.

The conflict is already affecting business operations. Several Chinese companies have instructed employees in the region to work remotely as a precaution. Baidu announced it would suspend its robotaxi testing services in the United Arab Emirates, while the food delivery platform Keeta indicated its regional services could be temporarily limited.

China has also begun evacuating its citizens from areas affected by the fighting. The Chinese foreign ministry reported that more than 3,000 nationals had been evacuated from Iran after the conflict intensified, and confirmed that at least one Chinese citizen had been killed.

Despite these risks, some Chinese entrepreneurs still view the Middle East as an opportunity. Haiyang Zhang, a businesswoman based in Dubai who helps Chinese investors expand into the region, told the New York Times that while the conflict is concerning, Chinese businesses may remain longer than some Western firms that are evacuating employees.

She noted that American companies and executives appear to be leaving parts of the region more quickly, potentially creating openings for Chinese investors willing to accept the risks.

China’s government has taken a cautious diplomatic stance. Beijing has condemned the military strikes by Israel and the United States while calling for an immediate ceasefire. China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, has spoken with counterparts in Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Oman and the United Arab Emirates in an effort to reduce tensions.

Yet China ultimately faces the same dilemma as many other countries deeply tied to the Middle East economy. The region provides critical energy supplies, growing markets and strategic infrastructure links. But it is also one of the most volatile geopolitical environments in the world.

If the conflict continues to expand, China could find billions of dollars in investments, trade relationships and energy supplies caught in the crossfire of a war it has little ability to control.

Sri Lanka Guardian

The Sri Lanka Guardian is an online web portal founded in August 2007 by a group of concerned Sri Lankan citizens including journalists, activists, academics and retired civil servants. We are independent and non-profit. Email: editor@slguardian.org

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