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Trump’s Tariff Train Wreck

Ironically, Trump’s tariffs may be driving Modi closer to Xi Jinping. Longstanding India-China tensions are being set aside, and the two leaders are scheduled to meet in China next week.

3 mins read
In this photo released by China’s Xinhua News Agency, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, left, and Chinese President Xi Jinping walk together in Wuhan in central China’s Hubei Province, Saturday, April 28, 2018.

Trump’s bid to derail BRICS through tariffs is backfiring badly. Instead of pressuring India, China, and Brazil to distance themselves from Russia and crawl back to Washington to “kiss Trump’s ass,” his tariff gambit has only strengthened ties among BRICS founders—especially between India and China.

India has met Trump’s 50% tariffs with diplomacy, calls for boycotts, appeals to self-reliance, and firm defense of its Russian oil imports as vital for energy security. While Modi avoids direct verbal clashes with Trump, political leaders, industry voices, and social media campaigns are demanding retaliation, fueling rising anti-American sentiment. Economically, India appears capable of absorbing the tariff shock, leveraging its vast market and diversified trade links.

Strategically, India is walking a fine line—tempering rhetoric while resisting U.S. pressure. Modi’s government emphasizes negotiation over escalation, mindful that a trade war could endanger $86.5 billion in annual U.S. exports, especially in labor-heavy sectors like textiles and seafood. Yet domestic calls for boycotts and sharp opposition criticism reveal mounting public frustration. The tariffs’ estimated GDP impact—$23 billion (about 60 basis points)—is significant but not crippling, and India’s measured stance reflects confidence in its resilience and leverage. Still, the contrast between government caution and social media fury (e.g., @RT_India_news) underscores a widening gap between public anger and official pragmatism.

The tariffs, which doubled to 50% on August 27 after India continued Russian oil purchases, triggered both economic and political pushback. Unlike China or Brazil, New Delhi adopted a milder tone: the Ministry of External Affairs condemned the tariffs as “unfair” and “unjustified,” insisting Russian oil imports are market-driven necessities for 1.4 billion citizens.

Modi declared that India “will never compromise on the interests of the country’s farmers, fishermen, and livestock breeders,” signaling readiness to protect domestic industries but stopping short of immediate retaliation. In Bengaluru, he promoted self-reliance and Indian tech firms without naming U.S. companies—echoing boycott calls while keeping diplomatic space open. Russia, meanwhile, applauded India’s position, calling U.S. tariffs an attempt to “force countries to stop trade relations” with Moscow.

On the diplomatic front, India is aligning with BRICS partners to challenge U.S. tariffs at the WTO, citing “strength in numbers.” Its push for local-currency trade, such as rupee payments for Russian oil, is a long-term hedge against U.S. pressure.

Anti-American sentiment, however, is growing rapidly. Social media campaigns and grassroots movements urge boycotts of McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Apple, and other U.S. brands, with viral graphics promoting Indian alternatives. Rahul Gandhi blasted the tariffs as “economic blackmail” and an attempt to “bully India into an unfair trade deal.” Farmer leader Gurnam Singh Charuni called for a “total ban” on U.S. companies, warning of agricultural losses from U.S. dairy flooding India’s market. Gems, jewelry, and textiles expect billions in losses as exports shift elsewhere.

Despite the uproar, India’s stock market showed little panic, reflecting confidence in its capacity to weather the storm. Apple and other U.S. firms continue Indian production (with semiconductors exempt from tariffs), reinforcing India’s “China-plus-one” appeal for global supply chains.

Ironically, Trump’s tariffs may be driving Modi closer to Xi Jinping. Longstanding India-China tensions are being set aside, and the two leaders are scheduled to meet in China next week.

Turning to China, Trump’s tariffs have already devastated U.S. exports. Soybean shipments collapsed, Brazilian coffee diverted to China, and—most damaging—China nearly eliminated U.S. propane and LNG imports. By mid-2025, U.S. energy exports to China had dropped to zero, with Beijing sourcing from Russia, Iran, and the Middle East.

The $4 billion propane/LPG market illustrates the collapse. After Beijing slapped 125% retaliatory tariffs in early 2025, U.S. exports became uncompetitive. Imports fell 31% in March alone, and by summer trade had fully collapsed. Once the top supplier, the U.S. was replaced almost overnight, with China’s petrochemical sector turning to Middle Eastern and Russian sources. LNG followed a similar pattern, as China shifted to non-Western suppliers.

In short, Trump’s tariffs have hammered American soybean farmers, corn growers, and propane/LNG producers—sectors unlikely to feel that Trump is “making them great again.”

And one more blow—this time outside tariffs. On Tuesday, Trump announced approval of 600,000 visas for Chinese students to attend U.S. universities. Why? Lobbying pressure. His earlier crackdown on foreign students gutted enrollments, leaving cash-strapped colleges desperate for revenue. Chinese students, who typically pay full tuition, had been a profit center. Trump’s reversal, while politically awkward, is too little too late for many institutions already in financial crisis.

Larry C. Johnson

Larry C. Johnson is an American blogger and former analyst at the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. He is the co-owner and CEO of BERG Associates, LLC.

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