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When the Rains Arrived, the State Was Already Underwater: Some Lessons of Cyclone Ditwah

How ignored forecasts, broken systems, and political inaction drowned a country that had time to prepare.

6 mins read
India’s C-130 touches down in Sri Lanka with relief supplies for flood-hit communities

When the rains finally stopped, what remained was not just devastation but disbelief. Entire neighbourhoods had turned into brown, swirling lakes. Heartbreaking images and videos flow of families stood on the upper floors of half-submerged houses, holding onto whatever they could salvage. Rows of shops that once sold everything from tea to lightbulbs were now indistinguishable under metres of water and mud. And as Sri Lankans mourned hundreds of lives lost in November’s flooding and Cyclone Ditwah, a painful question drifted through the public conversation like debris across the Kelani – Why were we caught unprepared when the warnings had been blinking for weeks?

On 12 November, Athula Karunanayake, the Director General of the Meteorological Department made a clear observation on Derana’s ‘Big Focus’ show saying that a severe weather system was brewing, and its impact could be significant. He said that unlike tornadoes, cyclones usually build up over days and weeks and therefore some degree of predictability exists. This is the reason international meteorological bodies echoed the same message repeatedly. In a country where storms can take hours to form and minutes to kill, Sri Lanka was given something priceless: time. Almost two weeks of it. Enough time to prepare, to mobilise, to warn, to act. But unfortunately, the government failed to act appropriately.

Meteorologists have begun to describe Cyclone Ditwah’s behaviour as something called the ‘blue ocean effect’, which is a phenomenon where rising temperatures and altered moisture patterns fuel storms in ways that defy long-standing models. What made Ditwah different was not only its scale but also the intensification it had over land – something that basic classical cyclone theory states that should not happen. Cyclones draw their strength from latent heat released when warm, moisture-laden air rises over the ocean. Once a storm moves inland, this heat source is supposed to collapse, which will usually cause rapid weakening of the storm structure. Instead, Ditwah appeared to tap into an anomalously warm and moisture-rich lower atmosphere, behaving almost as though the ocean had followed it ashore. Therefore, if Ditwah is any indication, Sri Lanka may be entering a future where storms do not obey the old rules, and where the infrastructure, forecasting models, and disaster-response systems built for the last century are no longer enough to protect the country from the next.

However, the tragedy that unfolded was, in many ways, less a story about clouds and wind and more about bureaucracy, complacency, and a state machinery that seemed to believe that weather forecasts were polite suggestions rather than alarms.

It is now widely acknowledged – even whispered grudgingly within the state sector – that the simplest, lowest-cost measures were not taken. Successive global studies by International Federation of Red Cross (IFRC), United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction (UNDRR) and the World Bank are clear that modern flood preparedness hinges on anticipatory action by using forecasts not merely to warn but to act before the hazard hits. This includes forecast-triggered evacuations, pre-positioning of relief, and especially the pre-release of reservoirs to create buffer capacity. International guidance stresses that Early Warning must be tightly coupled to Early Action, with pre-defined thresholds that automatically trigger government responses. In Sri Lanka, however, this principle broke down. Despite meteorological warnings as early as 12 November, multiple reports show that anticipatory measures did not materialise, whereby reservoirs were not pre-released, government machinery remained partly inactive, and large-scale evacuations were initiated only once the waters rose. This gap between forecast and action by the government sits at the heart of the country’s avoidable suffering.

Secondly, another pillar of responsible flood governance lies in having proactive reservoir and drainage management, which the World Bank and World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) offer long-standing, technically specific guidance. Reservoir manuals must tie releases to hydrological forecasts, and urban drainage systems such as pumps, canals, outlet gates, must be tested, serviced and operational at the start of each monsoon. Yet local reporting during the November disaster points to systemic neglect whereby Colombo’s key pumping stations reportedly failed simultaneously because they had not been serviced, while major drains and canal outlets remained clogged or inoperable. On the upstream end, reservoirs began releasing water reactively and, in some cases, worsening downstream inundation. These failures were not caused by the storm but by years of deferred maintenance and the absence of pre-season readiness.

Thirdly, effective flood management also depends on clear, multilingual risk communication, strong inter-agency coordination, and legal mechanisms that centralise command during emergencies. Global best practices, including models used in the UK and Southeast Asia, emphasises decisive activation of emergency powers, clear lines of authority, and early deployment of rescue assets when forecast thresholds are breached. In Sri Lanka, however, warnings did not translate into urgent public messaging prior to the disaster, nor into pre-emptive evacuations of high-risk areas. Moreover, emergency powers under the Disaster Management Act were activated only after the worst of the flooding had unfolded – a classic case of reaction rather than prevention. Analysts note that different arms of the state – irrigation, meteorology, local government and disaster management – were not operating in sync even as international and domestic forecasts signalled escalating danger.

Finally, robust international frameworks insist that governments maintain regular asset audits, contingency funds for early action, and post-event independent reviews. These are not bureaucratic luxuries but essential components of a functioning disaster-risk architecture. Sri Lanka’s November crisis exposed weaknesses across all three, whereby drain and pump maintenance had been repeatedly deferred, forecast-triggered finance was not mobilised early, and, so far, no independent audit has been initiated to determine why clear warning windows failed to produce timely action. Without such accountability, the country risks repeating the same cycle of forewarned but unprevented disasters. The science, the global guidance and even the early warnings were available – what seems to be missing was the political and institutional will to act when it mattered most.

If it sounds absurd, that’s because it was. Nature played its part, but negligence seems to have written the script. Strengthening the country’s capacity to withstand floods and climate shocks is not just disaster management – it is a core tenet of national security, shaping both climate stability and economic resilience. As I argued in the 2022 issue of the Sri Lanka Military Journal, national security does not just encompass military defence, but also economic security and health security – aspects that are affected by this catastrophe.

The country has endured floods for decades and engineers, meteorologists, and hydrologists have written lengthy reports on how to mitigate them. None of this is new knowledge. What failed was not expertise but execution. Warnings travelled through the airwaves, but not through the government hierarchy. The forecasts were accurate – the response was absent. It was a classic Sri Lankan tragedy of the state ignoring warnings until too late – we saw this with the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, the 2022 economic crisis and now the 2025 cyclonic floods.

The consequences are now painfully visible with Sri Lankans displaced, hospitals overwhelmed, schools turned into shelters, sanitation systems buckling, and entire communities trying to rebuild lives with little more than hope and donated dry rations. These are not abstract policy outcomes that we can just debate leisurely. These are daily realities for people who lost homes, livelihoods, and, far too often, loved ones.

Some government voices online have pleaded for the public not to ‘politicise the disaster’. But accountability is not politics – it is governance. And when the gap between a timely warning and an avoidable death is shaped by administrative inaction, questions must be asked. Otherwise, silence becomes a second form of harm. The JVP government’s authenticity lies in this very balance.

The government has promised that lessons will be learned. They must be – not through speeches, but through systems. Through audited maintenance of pumps, through reservoir-release protocols tied to forecasts, through inter-agency coordination that works in practice rather than in printed reports under piles of bureaucratic jargon, and through a disaster-management structure that treats early warnings as triggers for action, not some background noise.

Climate change all but guarantees that Sri Lanka will face more storms, more floods, and more extreme weather in the years ahead. There is no room or no moral justification for repeating this failure. There have been too many Sri Lankan lives and livelihoods lost to this.

The November floods may well be remembered as one of the worst disasters of the decade. But they should also be remembered as something else – proof that nature is not always the enemy. Indifference can be deadlier than rain.

Despite the chaos, it is only fair to acknowledge that the government did move swiftly to request international assistance once the scale of destruction became undeniable. The Sri Lankan military was the first to support as always – something each Sri Lankan must be grateful for. Some foreign emergency teams, and technical support units were also quickly mobilised for aid. While these are extremely commendable to the Sri Lankan tri-forces and some foreign teams, these commendable efforts cannot mask the deeper rupture in public confidence of the political leadership. When a government fails at the most fundamental duty – to act on clear warnings and protect its citizens – it critically impacts its integrity. In the end, Cyclone Ditwah did not merely flood the motherland, but rather, it exposed the widening gap between the leadership the country needs and the leadership it has.

Rashane Jude Pintoe

K. Rashane Jude Pintoe is a Fellow at the Global Peace Institute UK. An irregular warfare analyst, he specialises in the Islamic State Khurasan Province and writes on geopolitics, modern warfare, counterterrorism and global security. He holds an MSc in Security, Peacebuilding and Diplomacy in the UK.

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