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Trump’s War on Stock Buybacks Raises Alarm for Big Banks

After targeting defense firms and home builders, the administration’s growing hostility to buybacks puts megabank shareholders on edge

2 mins read
Donald Trump enjoying a round of golf

President Donald Trump’s escalating campaign against corporate stock buybacks is beginning to cast a shadow over Wall Street’s largest banks, prompting investors to reassess a risk that until recently seemed remote. As reported by the Wall Street Journal, the administration’s confrontations with defense contractors and home builders have raised the prospect that megabanks could also find their capital-return plans in the president’s crosshairs.

The stakes for bank shareholders are substantial. Over the decade ending Sept. 30, the four biggest U.S. banks—JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citigroup and Wells Fargo—collectively spent more than $500 billion on stock buybacks, according to S&P Dow Jones Indices. Those repurchases, along with dividends, have been a cornerstone of investor returns, boosting earnings per share and supporting stock prices. Any attempt by the government to interfere with that machinery would mark a significant shift in how financial markets view political risk.

Historically, sweeping restrictions on buybacks have been rare and reserved for extraordinary moments. During the early stages of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, the Federal Reserve forced major banks to halt repurchases to preserve capital buffers amid economic uncertainty. Outside of such crises, buybacks have largely been treated as a matter for corporate boards and regulators rather than presidential pressure.

Yet Trump’s second-term economic agenda has made “affordability” a central theme, aligning him rhetorically with long-time critics of buybacks on the political left. In September, Senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders sharply criticized the largest banks for prioritizing buybacks and dividends over lending and lowering costs for consumers. Their comments followed the Fed’s decision to loosen capital requirements after banks sailed through the 2025 stress tests, freeing up even more room for shareholder payouts.

The White House has insisted that recent actions against weapons makers and home builders were not part of a coordinated effort and did not signal a broader crackdown across industries. Still, Trump’s governing style has been defined by unpredictability and a willingness to use public pressure, executive orders and regulatory leverage to bend entire sectors to his will, from pharmaceuticals and health insurers to steelmakers and chip companies.

In January, Trump issued an executive order declaring that defense contractors were not permitted to pay dividends or buy back stock until they could deliver products “on time and on budget.” Days later, he publicly floated a cap on credit-card interest rates. Last week, his Federal Housing Finance Agency director, Bill Pulte, accused large home builders of keeping prices artificially high while buying back stock at record levels, warning that federal support through Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac should not be used to finance repurchases instead of affordable housing.

Banks occupy a unique and potentially vulnerable position in this landscape. Unlike most industries, their ability to return capital is already subject to strict regulatory oversight. Dividends and buybacks must comply with capital-adequacy rules and stress-test requirements set by regulators—rules that the government can alter. The largest banks are overseen by the Federal Reserve and, in times of crisis, have been treated as instruments of state policy, as investors learned during the 2008 financial meltdown.

Trump’s long-running attacks on the Fed’s independence add another layer of uncertainty. His influence over regulatory policy is expected to grow once a successor to Fed Chair Jerome Powell is installed, though that transition could be delayed by Senate resistance, potentially keeping Powell in place beyond the scheduled end of his term in May. Even so, the possibility of a more politically aligned regulatory stance has become part of investors’ calculations.

Some banks have demonstrated just how lucrative buybacks can be. According to data cited by the Wall Street Journal, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley generated annualized returns of about 22 percent on shares they repurchased over the past decade, outperforming both their own stock returns and what they could have earned through traditional lending. That track record helps explain why investors are so sensitive to the threat of intervention.

Trump’s next move remains impossible to predict. But what has changed is the perception of risk. The idea that the president might use regulatory or political pressure to disrupt bank buybacks—once nearly unthinkable—can no longer be dismissed. For bank shareholders, the bully pulpit may be only the beginning, and the sledgehammer is no longer out of the question.

Sri Lanka Guardian

The Sri Lanka Guardian is an online web portal founded in August 2007 by a group of concerned Sri Lankan citizens including journalists, activists, academics and retired civil servants. We are independent and non-profit. Email: editor@slguardian.org

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