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U.S. Accommodates Israel’s Secret Nuclear Program

Newly Declassified U.S. Documents Reveal Tensions Over Israel’s Dimona Reactor and Nuclear Program

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President Jimmy Carter meeting with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in August 1977 when the administration was trying to build support for the Panama Canal Treaty. [Photo from Jimmy Carter Presidential Library]

According to the latest press release by the National Security Archives (NSA), newly declassified U.S. government documents shed light on the contentious relationship between the United States and Israel over the latter’s nuclear ambitions during the 1960s and 1970s. The documents highlight critical U.S. intelligence assessments, Israeli reactions, and the eventual accommodation of Israel’s nuclear weapons program.

The release includes a Joint Atomic Energy Intelligence Committee (JAEIC) report from December 1960, which is the first known U.S. intelligence document to explicitly state that Israel’s nuclear project at Dimona was intended for weapons production. The report noted the presence of a reprocessing plant for plutonium production, an essential component for nuclear weaponization. While subsequent U.S. intelligence reports were less certain about Israel’s intentions, by the late 1960s, it became clear that Israel had crossed the threshold into nuclear weapons capability.

U.S. Inspections and Israeli Denials

During the 1960s, U.S. inspectors visited the Dimona reactor site multiple times, seeking evidence of weapons-grade plutonium production. A 1965 inspection report noted that the U.S. could not definitively determine whether the Israelis were engaged in deception, but the suspicion of Israeli obfuscation loomed large. A 1967 State Department report, citing information from Israeli sources, revealed concerns that Israel was close to producing a nuclear weapon. According to these sources, Israel had either completed or was about to complete a reprocessing plant at Dimona, with the reactor operating at full capacity—potentially within weeks of achieving nuclear weapon status. However, the U.S. intelligence community struggled to verify these claims.

Ben-Gurion’s Defiant Stance

The documents also reveal a tense exchange between U.S. officials and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion. When U.S. Atomic Energy Commission director John McCone publicly questioned Israel’s transparency regarding Dimona, Ben-Gurion responded angrily, asserting, “We are not a satellite of America… and will never be a satellite.” He rejected the notion that Israel owed the U.S. any explanations about its nuclear activities, highlighting the complex and often combative nature of U.S.-Israel relations on this issue.

A Shift Toward Nuclear Ambiguity

By the late 1960s, U.S. policy toward Israel’s nuclear program shifted from suspicion to tacit acceptance. Declassified documents from 1978 reveal that U.S. officials, under President Richard Nixon’s administration, came to an understanding with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir. The U.S. agreed to cease pressuring Israel to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and to refrain from further inspections of Israeli nuclear facilities. This agreement, while not publicly acknowledged, marked a significant shift in U.S. policy toward Israel’s nuclear program.

The release of these documents illustrates how geopolitical considerations—particularly the U.S. priority of securing peace in the Middle East—overrode nonproliferation concerns. Washington’s strategic alignment with Israel in the context of the Cold War and the broader Middle Eastern geopolitical landscape contributed to the U.S. decision to accommodate Israel’s nuclear status, despite public assurances to the contrary.

The Nixon-Meir Understanding and Its Legacy

The documents also reveal that the U.S. accepted Israel’s policy of “nuclear opacity”—the practice of neither confirming nor denying the possession of nuclear weapons. In private discussions, Israeli leaders consistently maintained that Israel would not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the Middle East. This policy, initially articulated by Ben-Gurion, was maintained throughout the 1970s, including during the Carter administration. The U.S. continued to support Israel’s narrative, even in the face of increasing evidence of its nuclear capabilities.

This understanding was tested in 1978 when a CIA estimate inadvertently confirmed Israel’s nuclear weapons capabilities, leading to questions from Soviet officials. U.S. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, responding to Soviet inquiries, reiterated the U.S. stance that Israel had not produced nuclear weapons, despite the growing body of evidence to the contrary. The declassification of these documents raises important questions about the extent of U.S. knowledge regarding Israel’s nuclear program and the diplomatic calculus that led to a tacit acceptance of Israel’s nuclear status.

Ongoing Secrecy and Declassification Challenges

The declassified documents published by the National Security Archive are part of a broader effort to understand the U.S. government’s knowledge of and response to Israel’s nuclear ambitions. However, many records remain classified, and U.S. agencies such as the Pentagon continue to object to the declassification of sensitive materials related to Israel’s nuclear program. Despite these obstacles, the newly released documents provide valuable insight into the complex dynamics of U.S.-Israel relations during the Cold War and the shifting policies that allowed Israel to develop its nuclear weapons capability largely in secrecy.

The full set of documents is available in a new Electronic Briefing Book published by the National Security Archive, edited by William Burr and Avner Cohen, and can provide researchers and policymakers with an in-depth look at the U.S. approach to nuclear proliferation and the Israeli nuclear program during the 1960s and 1970s.

Sri Lanka Guardian

The Sri Lanka Guardian is an online web portal founded in August 2007 by a group of concerned Sri Lankan citizens including journalists, activists, academics and retired civil servants. We are independent and non-profit. Email: editor@slguardian.org

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