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Afghanistan’s Taliban Face a Growing Insurgency — But No Existential Threat

Four major resistance fronts claim nearly 2,000 Taliban fighters killed since 2021, yet the armed opposition remains far from challenging the regime’s territorial grip.

8 mins read
In this August 5, 2012, file photo, Pakistani Taliban patrol in their stronghold of Shawal in Pakistani tribal region of South Waziristan. [ Photo: AP Photo/Ishtiaq Mahsud]

On October 20, 2026, Afghanistan Freedom Front (AFF) fighters targeted a Taliban checkpoint along the Kabul-North Highway, in the Pul-e-Matak area of Chaharikar District in Parwan Province, killing three Taliban fighters and injuring another two.

On October 19, 2026, Afghanistan United Front (AUF) conducted an operation, killing one Taliban fighter in the Serband area of Arghandab District in Kandahar Province.

On October 18, 2026, AUF fighters targeted the Taliban, killing one fighter at Dehmarang village in the Greshk District of Helmand Province.

On October 13, 2026, AFF fighters targeted Taliban intelligence operatives in Police District 1 of Pul-e Alam, the capital of Logar Province, near the headquarters of the provincial Police Command, killing three Taliban intelligence militia members, and injuring two.

On September 28, 2026, a bomb blast on a railway track caused disruptions to the movement of trains in the Gulab Larho area under the Mangoli Police Station (PS) in the Naseerabad District of Balochistan. BRG claimed responsibility of the blast.

On October 10, 2026, National Resistance Front (NRF) forces, in a targeted operation, killed one Taliban fighter and injured another at Sheykhan village in the Rukha District of Panjshir Province.

On October 5, 2026, National Mobilization Front (NMF) fighters killed the Head of Discovery and Intelligence of the Nangarhar Central Prison, behind the Central High School in Jalalabad city, in a pre-planned operation.

On September 28, 2026, in a targeted operation by NMF fighters, two Taliban fighters were killed, at Flol village, in the Burka District of Baghlan Province.

Following the Taliban’s ‘comeback’, on August 15, 2021, multiple anti-Taliban, armed resistance groups have emerged in Afghanistan. According to partial data collated by the Institute for Conflict Management (ICM), since August 15, 2021, 1,957 Taliban fighters have been killed, and 1,053 injured, in 691 incidents, variously orchestrated by NRF, AFF, AUF and NMF. With NRF registering the highest, 1,291 killed and 579 injured in 424 incidents; followed by 568 killed and 442 injured in 203 incidents by AFF; 77 killed and 25 injured in 51 incidents by AUF; and 21 killed and seven injured in 13 incidents by NMF (data till October 21, 2026).

Some of the major incidents include:

On October 7, 2026, AFF fighters killed 11 Taliban fighters and injured eight during a six-hour gunfight in Kamdesh District of Nuristan Province.

On August 25, 2026, fighting broke out between AFF commandos and Taliban reinforcement units deployed to the front lines in the Zibak District of Badakhshan Province, in which 10 Taliban fighters were killed, and six were injured.

On December 7, 2025, NRF claimed a targeted operation against a Taliban base at Manjastu village in the Dara District of Panjshir Province, which killed 17 Taliban fighters. The operation was carried out in two phases: first by detonating a planted explosive device, followed by a series of rocket attacks.

On December 28, 2024, NRF attacked a security checkpoint of the Taliban’s Ministry of Interior, killing 10 Taliban fighters, including a ‘commander’ of the 3rd Battalion, and injuring five, in Kabul city. The operation also resulted in the destruction of three Taliban vehicles.

On October 4, 2024, NRF attacked a military base of the Taliban’s 3rd Battalion of the Fourth Brigade, a special unit of the Ministry of Defence, killing 13 Taliban fighters and injuring two, at Mohammad Big Khil village in the Dara District of Panjshir Province.

Out of all anti-Taliban groups, NRF has emerged as the most active armed group. Formed in August 2021 by former Vice President Amrullah Saleh, Former Defense Minister Bismillah Khan, and Ahmad Massoud, son of the assassinated Tajik military commander Ahmad Shah Massoud, NRF seeks to establish social justice, equality and culture; provide freedom for all citizens of Afghanistan; preserve democracy; uphold gender-justice and revive rational Islam. Ahmad Massoud, the NRF leader, reportedly operates from his ancestral homeland in the predominantly ethnic Tajik Panjshir Valley. Ethnically, NRF comprises Uzbeks, Hazaras, Tajiks and along with some anti-Taliban Pashtuns. NRF also has the support of the diaspora communities, and has a presence on Instagram, X, Facebook, Clubhouse, and other social networking platforms. As reported in June 2026, the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) mentioned that NRF has a strength of around 5,000 men. It was also reported that NRF used children in ‘direct hostilities’, including the planting and detonation of IEDs, carrying weapons, spying, and as guards.

AFF gained visibility in March 2022, when it announced its formation on social media. Led by General Yasin Zia, a former Defense Minister and Chief of General Staff, AFF’s goals are to achieve a new social contract that meets the needs and requirements of building a prosperous society endowed with freedom, equality, and human dignity. The core principles of the AFF, aim at overthrowing Taliban rule and reflecting the aspirations of all strata and ethnic groups of the country. AFF has representations from Tajik, Pashtun, Uzbek, and Hazara communities. Most of AFF’s fighters are former Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) members. Although, the numerical strength of AFF is not yet available in the public domain, its leadership council has approximately 50 figures, who head numerous committees ranging from foreign policy to cultural and religious matters.

AUF has also emerged as a significant anti-Taliban force, since its public launch on October 19, 2023. The group’s website confirms that Lt. Gen. Sayad Sami Sadat was voted leader on May 12, 2023, indicating that the organisation’s formation process predates its public launch in October, 2023. Further, as posted on its verified X handle on October 19, 2023, AUF declared that its office had been established in Washington DC a day earlier, on October 18, 2023. This office is headed by ‘Governor’ Masood Bakhtawar – the former Deputy Governor of Helmand Province. The council members come from diverse ethnicities, including Hazaras, Pashtuns, Tajiks, and Uzbeks. AUF declares, “Our mission is to unite Afghans and return Afghanistan to the constitutional order, ensuring that Afghans can enjoy freedom, peace, and prosperity.” AUF has accused the Taliban of beating, torturing and humiliating young people; detaining, torturing, and murdering security and defence personnel of Afghanistan’s former government; and harassing and extorting local residents.

As reported on October 4, 2023, a number of soldiers of the previous Afghanistan government under NMF aka National Basij Front, officially, announced their existence and objectives against the Taliban. The founding leadership of NMF remains shadowy, though Afghan-language media name Jawed Deh Sabzai as the General Commander of the group. NMF’s statements disclose that its members pledge to defend Afghanistan “until the last drop of their blood” and to fight Taliban rule. It also publicly supports cooperation or unity with other anti-Taliban fronts. NMF has emerged as a new constituent of Afghanistan’s evolving anti-Taliban resistance, operating through small, mobile guerrilla units across multiple provinces.

The resistance forces mostly target Taliban Intelligence officials, Taliban military commanders, military base, security check posts, military convoys, provincial Police headquarters, offices and residences of Taliban officials, the Morality Police of Taliban, Taliban patrols, oil tankers, Taliban-controlled prisons, etc.

These groups are mainly active in 27 of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces. Apart from the central highlands, the anti-Taliban attacks have taken place across the length and breadth of the country. On September 10, 2026, Hilal Kakar, AUF Spokesperson, mentioned the Kandahar, Helmand, Paktika, Paktia, Nangarhar, Kunar, Kabul, Parwan, Baghlan, Takhar, Badakhshan, Balkh, Faryab, Badghis, and Ghor provinces as areas of operation. Likewise, on April 6, 2026, NMF declared its strong presence in the Badakhshan, Kunduz and Khost provinces, on its official X handle. Earlier, on March 20, 2025, NRF claimed to have carried out operations in the Kabul, Parwan, Kapisa, Panjshir, Baghlan, Kunduz, Takhar, Badakhshan, Herat, Farah, Ghor, Badghis, Nuristan, Balkh, Sar-e Pol, Faryab, Nimroz, Maidan Wardak, and Laghman provinces. As reported on August 25, 2026, Dawood Naji, Head of AFF’s Political Committee, claimed the group carried out operations in Badakhshan, Baghlan, Kunduz, Panjshir, Nuristan, Kabul, Faryab and Nangarhar provinces.

Apart from violent attacks, the resistance forces have been vocal about several socio-political issues affecting Afghanistan. On September 18, 2025, for instance, NMF released a statement on X, condemning the Taliban-imposed internet ban, declaring, “The internet shutdown in the provinces demonstrates the weakness and inability of this group against the freedom fighters…” Later, on November 8, 2025, Ahmad Massoud described the resistance as a means to achieve a political settlement that would allow Afghans to choose their own government and enable women and girls to access education and equal opportunities. On October 6, 2025, AFF welcomed the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHCR). AFF said it would cooperate with this mechanism to provide documented information concerning human rights abuses by the Taliban.

Both AFF and NRF have also voiced their disagreement with respect to Taliban’s anti-Shia policies. On June 26, 2026, AFF stated, in its Ashura message, that Taliban pressure on Shia Muslims was fueling sectarian tensions and threatening Afghanistan’s religious and cultural diversity. On the very same day, NRF also asserted that the area stretching from Dasht-e-Barchi in western Kabul to Badakhshan Province had become “the geography of a contemporary Karbala” (referring to the holy battleground on which Hussain ibn Ali was martyred) and accused the “enemies of Afghanistan’s dignity” of pursuing a “Yazidi policy” (a reference to Umayyid Caliph Yazid) through discrimination and efforts to eliminate Afghanistan’s religious, ethnic and cultural diversity. Referring to the Taliban, it added: “They want the people to bow to oppression and pledge allegiance to their false claim, but the message of Ashura (the day of martyrdom of Hussain, the grandson of the Prophet) is to remain steadfast in upholding Imam Hussein’s blood-red legacy and never surrender to the coercion of the takfiris (those who accuse other Muslims of apostasy or unbelief).”

These groups have also been vehemently opposing various terrorist organisations and their activities. On October 15, 2026, NRF and AFF issued a joint statement on X, warning of possible attacks against diplomatic missions, United Nations offices, international organisations, and human rights institutions in Afghanistan, involving elements linked to Taliban’s security structures, extremist networks, and foreign circles using the name of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or misleading pseudonyms to conceal their identities and objectives, and called for independent verification by credible security institutions.

Earlier, on October 6, 2026, NRF called the Taliban and ISIS “two sides of the same coin,” claiming that both drew on the same ideological source: “Like the Taliban, this excommunicating (takfiri) group engages in un-Islamic and inhumane conduct that runs counter to the moral and cultural values of this land.” NRF added that both the Taliban and ISIS rely on extremism, excommunication, and violence, placing them at odds with fundamental Afghan values.

On August 2, 2026, on its official X handle, AUF leader Sami Sadat appealed to NATO for material support, emphasizing, “We do not want your soldiers,” but requested assistance to fight “not only the Taliban, but Al Qaeda, the Islamic State, and Tehreek-e-Taliban,” and other jihadist organizations active across Afghanistan and Pakistan.

In addition to four resistance fronts, a plethora of smaller anti-Taliban groups are also emerging under different banners across Afghanistan. As reported on September 16, 2026, apart from AFF, NRF, AUF and NMF, the UN also mentioned the Green Unit of Basej-e Milli (aka Afghanistan Green Trend), Afghanistan Guardians National Front, the Afghanistan Independence Front, the Afghanistan Liberation Movement, the Afghanistan Republican Front, the Andarab Resistance Front, the Freedom and Justice Movement, Homeland Soldiers Front, the Islamic Liberation Front of Afghan People, and the Islamic Liberation Movement of the People of Afghanistan, which were also involved in resistance activities.

Some incidents involving these emerging groups include:

On August 17, 2026, the Green Trend claimed it attacked a Taliban checkpoint in the Chah Ab District of Takhar Province, with its military wing inflicting heavy casualties on Taliban forces (no details were available). The group released a video of the operation.

On August 10, 2026, the Afghanistan Republic Front claimed responsibility for an attack targeting the Taliban’s Intelligence Chief in Kabul city’s 18th Security District on the Shahid Mazari Road in the Tank-e-Til area of Dasht-e-Barchi. The group claimed that two Taliban personnel were killed and three were wounded in the attack.

On July 6, 2026, the Afghanistan Guardians National Front claimed that its Special Operations Units targeted a Taliban motorcycle patrol along the Herat-Kandahar Highway in Helmand Province, killing two Taliban fighters.The anti-Taliban groups are becoming more and more visible by the day, but are yet to constitute and effective challenge to the Taliban’s control. No rival government exists in any major Afghan city, and no resistance group has the capacity to topple the Taliban administration in any province. The main instruments of coercive power remain concentrated with the Taliban and its forces, while the opposition groups are yet to expand their armed resistance to a level capable of undermining the Taliban’s territorial dominance.

Sanchita Bhattacharya

Sanchita Bhattacharya is a Research Fellow at Institute for Conflict Management in New Delhi, India

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