El Government of El Salvador has launched one of the largest criminal proceedings in its history, putting 486 alleged senior members of the Mara Salvatrucha-13 gang on trial in a sweeping case that authorities say could establish responsibility for as many as 29,000 homicides committed between 2012 and 2022. The scale of the proceedings, as reported by El País, has drawn intense international scrutiny, not only for its scope but also for the legal and ethical questions it raises about mass prosecutions, due process, and the limits of criminal responsibility in cases involving organised crime.
At the centre of the case are 22 alleged leaders of the gang’s national command structure, known as the “Ranfla Nacional,” who prosecutors claim directed operations from inside the maximum-security prison of Zacatecoluca. According to the prosecution, this leadership group issued systematic orders for large-scale killings, which were then transmitted through a hierarchical chain of command that extended from imprisoned leaders to street-level coordinators and finally to armed enforcers. Authorities argue that this structure enabled the organisation to orchestrate widespread violence across the country over a decade-long period.
The prosecution alleges that the gang leadership was responsible not only for thousands of civilian deaths but also for targeted killings of state security forces, including more than 80 police officers and soldiers. It further claims that over 800 government workers were killed during the same period. One of the most frequently cited episodes occurred between July and September 2017, when, according to prosecutors, MS-13 leadership ordered an escalation of violence that resulted in the killing of 16 police officers and six military personnel. These actions, officials argue, demonstrate a coordinated strategy of organised terror directed from within the prison system.
The case is being driven by testimony from 13 cooperating witnesses, according to Max Muñoz, deputy prosecutor for organised crime. He has stated that their accounts provide key evidence linking the Ranfla leadership to the alleged crimes through what authorities describe as a system of prison-based command known internally as “Válvulas abiertas,” or “open valves.” Under this alleged system, orders for killings were issued from Zacatecoluca prison, transmitted to leaders outside, and then disseminated down the chain of command to local gang cells responsible for carrying out the attacks.
Despite its scale, the proceedings are taking place under strict judicial secrecy, with access to the full case file limited. However, El País reports that it obtained details of the indictment through a leak, revealing that while the document identifies senior leaders and certain victims, it does not always establish direct links between specific perpetrators and individual crimes. This has become one of the central points of criticism from human rights organisations, which argue that the lack of individualized attribution risks undermining the principle of personal criminal responsibility.
President Nayib Bukele has publicly defended the trial, describing it as “historic” and comparing it to the Nuremberg trials conducted after World War II. He has argued that the case is grounded in the doctrine of command responsibility, which holds leaders accountable for crimes committed by subordinates under their control. Bukele has insisted that the prosecution reflects a legitimate application of international legal principles rather than an exceptional or politically motivated process.
However, human rights advocates and legal experts have strongly challenged this comparison. Organisations such as Cristosal, a Salvadoran human rights group, have warned that the trial risks becoming a “shortcut” justice mechanism aimed at securing mass convictions rather than establishing individual guilt beyond reasonable doubt. Noah Bullock, the organisation’s executive director, told El País that while the state has a legitimate interest in addressing gang violence and historic impunity, collective trials of this scale could create a perception of justice without meeting fundamental legal standards of due process.
Critics also argue that the broader judicial strategy adopted under Bukele’s state of emergency framework has already raised concerns about mass detentions and weakened procedural safeguards. Reports indicate that tens of thousands of individuals have been detained during the ongoing anti-gang crackdown, with allegations that many were arrested without sufficient evidence of gang affiliation. Human rights groups warn that this environment increases the risk of wrongful convictions, particularly when combined with large-scale trials that do not fully individualise charges.
The prosecution has structured its case around hierarchical categories within MS-13, including “palabreros,” “corredores de programa,” and “ranfleros,” representing different levels of leadership and operational control. Among the most prominent figures named are Borromeo Enrique Henríquez Solórzano, known as Diablito de Hollywood, identified as the top national leader, and Saúl Antonio Turcios Ángel, known as Trece de Teclas, described as his second-in-command. Another key figure, Elmer Canales Rivera, known as Crook, has drawn particular attention due to his complex legal history, including previous release under circumstances that investigative reporting has linked to alleged negotiations between gang leaders and government officials.
The indictment also references major coordinated waves of violence, including a significant escalation in March 2022, when prosecutors allege that MS-13 ordered the killing of 86 people across the country within a three-day period. Authorities claim this was part of a broader operational strategy designed to exert pressure on the state, though some aspects of the timeline remain unclear, particularly regarding the extent of prison control at the time of the attacks.
The Salvadoran government has justified the use of mass trials as a necessary response to decades of impunity. Officials argue that when Bukele took office in 2019, nearly 97 per cent of homicides went unpunished, with only a small fraction of cases reaching trial. They maintain that traditional judicial processes were insufficient to address the scale and organisation of gang violence, and that consolidated proceedings are essential to deliver justice in cases involving complex criminal structures.
However, legal experts warn that the adoption of mass judicial proceedings raises fundamental questions about fairness and proportionality. The use of “faceless judges,” extended pre-trial detention periods, and consolidated hearings has been criticised as eroding procedural guarantees. Under current legal reforms, some of these trials could last several years, meaning that individuals detained since 2022 may remain in custody for extended periods before receiving a verdict.
Bukele’s government has simultaneously mounted a strong public relations campaign promoting the trials, circulating images of mass hearings featuring hundreds of detainees appearing via video link, many heavily tattooed and shackled. Officials have portrayed these proceedings as evidence of a decisive break with past impunity, while critics argue that the visual framing risks reinforcing collective guilt narratives rather than preserving individual rights.
As El País reports, the trial has become a global point of reference in debates over how states confront entrenched organised crime. Supporters see it as an innovative legal response to extraordinary levels of violence, while opponents warn that it may set a dangerous precedent in which the boundaries between collective responsibility and individual criminal accountability become blurred. For now, the proceedings continue under intense scrutiny, with their outcome likely to shape not only El Salvador’s justice system but also international discussions on the limits of mass prosecution in democratic governance.
