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Macron’s African Rebalancing Gamble: France Tries to Rebuild Influence as Sahel Fractures Deepen

Amid rising anti-French sentiment, military withdrawals, and growing Russian influence, Paris turns to new partnerships and economic diplomacy in a bid to reshape its role across Africa

4 mins read
Kenyan President William Ruto, French President Emmanuel Macron, and Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, pictured on Monday during a meeting with young people from different sports teams at the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi.

France is attempting a strategic reinvention of its relationship with Africa as its long-standing influence in the Sahel unravels and new global powers move in to fill the vacuum. At the center of this recalibration is French President Emmanuel Macron, who used the Africa Forward summit in Nairobi to present France not as a former colonial power struggling to maintain relevance, but as an equal partner seeking renewed cooperation with African states. The summit, held on May 11 and 12, marked a symbolic shift in French diplomacy, taking place for the first time in an English-speaking African country and signaling Paris’s attempt to move beyond its traditional Francophone sphere of influence.

Macron’s message was carefully framed to counter a growing narrative across the continent: that France has long operated in Africa through a mixture of military presence, economic leverage, and political interference. In remarks made shortly before the summit, he insisted that France was “not the predators of the 21st century,” a statement widely interpreted as an effort to soften perceptions shaped by decades of contested engagement in Africa. Yet behind the rhetoric, France faces a rapidly changing geopolitical landscape in which its authority in regions like the Sahel has significantly eroded.

Nowhere is this shift more visible than in the Sahel region, where a wave of military coups in countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger has dismantled long-standing partnerships with Paris. These juntas have systematically distanced themselves from French influence, expelling troops, terminating security agreements, and restricting French media operations. In Niger, authorities recently revoked a decades-old uranium mining concession, a move seen as part of a broader push to reclaim control over strategic natural resources. At the same time, several French outlets, including major international broadcasters, have been accused of undermining national stability and have been forced to cease operations.

These developments reflect a deeper political rupture that has been building for years. Governments in the region have increasingly framed French presence as incompatible with sovereignty, while public sentiment has grown more hostile. The withdrawal of French military forces from Mali in 2022 marked a turning point. Paris had initially intervened under Operation Serval in 2013 to combat jihadist expansion and was initially welcomed as a stabilizing force. However, as insurgent violence persisted and perceptions of foreign interference grew, the mission became politically unsustainable. Subsequent coups accelerated the breakdown, forcing France into a rapid and largely unplanned retreat.

The erosion of influence has not been limited to military affairs. Economic and symbolic structures linking France to its former colonies have also come under scrutiny. One of the most enduring is the CFA franc system, used by several African countries and historically tied to French monetary policy. Critics argue that it represents a lingering form of economic dependency, reinforcing asymmetrical financial relationships between Europe and Africa. Although reforms have been discussed for years, the currency remains a powerful symbol in debates over post-colonial sovereignty.

The political fallout has also reshaped diplomatic alignments. As France’s footprint has diminished, other external actors have expanded their presence. Russia, in particular, has gained ground through security partnerships and military cooperation agreements, often filling gaps left by departing Western forces. In some cases, these relationships have been explicitly framed by African leaders as alternatives to what they describe as paternalistic Western engagement. Analysts note that this shift is not simply ideological but reflects pragmatic decisions by governments seeking security support without the political conditions associated with traditional Western aid.

Against this backdrop, Macron’s Africa Forward summit was designed as a counter-move, aiming to reposition France within a more competitive and multipolar African landscape. By hosting the event in Nairobi, Paris deliberately sought to engage countries beyond its traditional Francophone network, particularly in East Africa, where economic dynamism and diversified international partnerships have reduced dependence on any single external power. The summit brought together more than 30 African leaders, along with business figures and multinational investors, and was used to announce new investment commitments and development initiatives.

The summit also highlighted growing African demands for reform of international financial systems. Leaders such as Kenyan President William Ruto criticized what they described as a global “architecture of risk” that makes borrowing disproportionately expensive for African states. These concerns were echoed by international figures who pointed out that African countries often pay significantly higher interest rates than developed economies. In response, Macron proposed new mechanisms aimed at reducing investment risk and encouraging private capital flows into African markets, while also pledging substantial financial commitments from France.

Yet economic diplomacy alone may not be enough to reverse the broader decline in French influence. Across the Sahel, perceptions of France remain deeply shaped by historical memory and recent political grievances. Scholars and regional analysts argue that France’s challenge lies not only in adapting its policies but in addressing long-standing accusations of paternalism and interference. Critics of French strategy point to what they describe as a persistent inability to fully disengage from the internal politics of former colonies, even after formal decolonization.

The security dimension further complicates France’s repositioning. The rise of Russian-linked military actors, including the Wagner network and its successor structures, has introduced a new layer of competition in fragile states. These groups have built influence through direct security assistance to ruling juntas, often in exchange for resource concessions or political alignment. While their presence has been controversial, it has nonetheless contributed to a reshaping of alliances in regions where Western interventions are increasingly viewed with skepticism.

At the same time, France is attempting to expand its reach in regions where its colonial legacy carries less political weight. In parts of East and Southern Africa, Paris has increased development cooperation, energy partnerships, and cultural diplomacy initiatives. Countries such as Kenya, Mozambique, and Malawi have become focal points for this strategy, offering opportunities for engagement less encumbered by historical grievances. The choice of Kenya as host for the Nairobi summit reflects this broader pivot toward anglophone and economically dynamic partners.

Despite these efforts, the underlying challenge remains the same: rebuilding trust in a context where historical memory, geopolitical competition, and domestic political change in Africa all converge. For Macron, the ambition is to redefine France’s role from that of a dominant external power to a cooperative partner in a more balanced relationship. However, as military withdrawals continue, new alliances form, and economic leverage shifts, France’s ability to shape outcomes on the continent appears increasingly constrained.

The future of Franco-African relations will likely depend not only on investment pledges or diplomatic summits, but on whether Paris can convincingly adapt to a continent where influence is no longer inherited, but negotiated in real time among a growing number of global actors.

Sri Lanka Guardian

The Sri Lanka Guardian is an online web portal founded in August 2007 by a group of concerned Sri Lankan citizens including journalists, activists, academics and retired civil servants. We are independent and non-profit. Email: editor@slguardian.org

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