The first Marxist coalition government in Sri Lanka was formed by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The Finance Minister of this government was LSSP leader N. M. Perera.
The UNP was very afraid of this government. Marxist power was united with the attractive image of the then Prime Minister Bandaranaike, which alarmed the UNP, which was in opposition.
Marxists did not believe in religion. Therefore, the SLFP–Marxist coalition government formed in 1964 was viewed with suspicion by both the monks and the Church. By this time, Bandaranaike’s government had already angered the Church by nationalizing schools controlled by it. The UNP was concerned about the Buddhist opposition that was building against the government. Leader of the Opposition Dudley Senanayake and J. R. Jayewardene, the well-known strategist of the UNP, recognized this.
By this time, Dudley and J. R. had replaced the former Prime Minister and UNP leader Sir John Kotelawala, whose leadership had damaged the Sinhala Buddhist vote base after he stated that monks’ heads should be tarred. Dudley, however, was highly regarded among the Sinhala Buddhist people and the monks.
“Dudley, you are the one who can control this force…”
J. R. said to Dudley. At the time, Dudley was wearing a tie and coat. He removed them, put on a cloth vest, went to the Temple of the Tooth, and informed the Mahanayake Theros about the threat to religion posed by communism.
The task of leading the monks against Marxism was entrusted by Dudley and J. R. to former Chief Justice Hema Henry Basnayake. He was also a former Attorney General and had close relationships with the monks, including the Mahanayake Theros.
“Sinhala Buddhism is in great danger. Hema, you take charge of this…”
Dudley and J. R. told Hema, and he immediately got to work.
The monks who had already gained public attention on the UNP platform and supported Hema were Meetiyagoda Gunarathana Thero and Amarawansa Thero. The most popular figure among the UNP’s Sinhala Buddhist force was the Anunayake Palipane Chandananda Nayake Thero of the Asgiri Maha Viharaya. Mirissa Chandrajothi Thero also joined them. The Mahanayake Theros of both the Asgiri and Malwatte chapters blessed this movement.
On the other hand, Archbishop Thomas Cooray, along with Catholic priests, prepared the Catholic community to oppose the Marxist coalition government, which they believed was disrespecting religion.
When Mrs. Bandaranaike’s government introduced the Press Act, religious leaders opposed it, accusing the government of interfering with both freedom of the press and freedom of religion.
Led by monks and Catholic and Christian priests, the UNP joined forces with other opposition parties to fight to protect religion. The Marxist–SLFP coalition government formed in 1964—widely considered unthinkable and untenable—collapsed. After nine years, the UNP was able to form a stable government again. Although the UNP had formed a minority government after the March 1960 general election, it was defeated in a landslide soon after.
Today, Sri Lanka does not have a Marxist coalition government, but rather a Marxist JVP government. Although this government has abandoned Marxist economic policies and adopted a liberal economic approach, culturally it presents a very different image compared to governments of 76 years ago. There are clear differences regarding history, sexual matters, military victories, and religious ceremonies. The arrest of monks, like adding fuel to the fire, has caused unrest within the Sangha community.
The Catholic Church, including the Cardinal, has joined this unrest and is warning the government not to disrespect religious leaders.
Both Ranil’s government in 2002 and the Maithri–Ranil government in 2015 faced similar controversy. Critics claimed that Ranil’s approach to history, sexual matters, military victories, and religious ceremonies threatened Sinhala Buddhist tradition. Ranil is not a supporter of Sinhala Buddhist tradition and cultural heritage, which is why his leadership did not resonate with the people of Sri Lanka. Knowing this, Ranil attempted to change the people to suit his leadership instead of adapting himself. That was where he went wrong.
The JVP is a party that completely rejects Sinhala Buddhist tradition and cultural heritage. They do not believe in religion or culture. Now that they have come to power, they are facing the same problem Ranil faced. Like Ranil, they are trying to change the people to suit their party ideology. Although President Anura has attempted to show respect for Sinhala Buddhist traditions and culture, the party itself is not ready to change.
The result of Ranil’s government’s behavior from 2002 to 2004 was the emergence of a Sinhala Buddhist wave following the death of the popular monk Soma Thero. That wave eventually succeeded in overthrowing Ranil’s government and sending a large number of monks to Parliament.
Ranil’s government, which came to power in 2015, also began controlling funds received by temples through the Cultural Fund. It banned the use of elephants in temple processions. A popular monk, Uduwe Dhammaloka Thero, was arrested. Proposals were also made to pass laws and regulations legalizing homosexuality.
Finally, the Asgiri Mahanayake Thero and the Cardinal decided to hold a meeting at Sri Sambodhi Viharaya and take to the streets to protest the government’s program.
Like poking a man who is about to cry, the death of Soma Thero unified the Sinhala Buddhist wave that emerged from various places against Ranil’s government in 2002.
The 2019 Easter attacks similarly unified Sinhala Buddhist forces against the Maithri–Ranil government.
“Will a Sinhala Buddhist wave also emerge against the JVP government…?”
It is impossible to say for sure. There is still fire under the ashes.
