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The Taliban’s Digital Cage

The Taliban’s nationwide internet blackout severs Afghanistan’s last lifeline to education, commerce, aid, and global connection—plunging 43 million people deeper into isolation and crisis.

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Afghan refugees from Pakistan arriving in the Takhteh Pol district of Kandahar province, Afghanistan [Photo: Sanaullah Seia]

On September 30, 2025, the United Nations mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) urged the Taliban to immediately restore Internet and telecommunications services nationwide, warning that the blackout was cutting Afghanistan off from the outside world and deepening an already dire humanitarian crisis. UNAMA said the shutdown, which began September 16 in parts of the country and expanded nationwide on September 29, had “immediate and far-reaching consequences,” including disruptions to banking and financial systems, aviation, medical care and remittances that many Afghan families depend on.

The Taliban’s decision to impose a total internet blackout across Afghanistan on September 29, 2025 represents a significant escalation in their authoritarian grip over the country. Under the pretext of preventing “immoral activities,” the ruling regime has effectively severed a vital lifeline that connected 43 million Afghans to each other and the outside world. The blackout is more than a technological disruption – it is a political act of repression with far-reaching humanitarian, economic, and psychological consequences.

In the 21st century, internet access is not a luxury – it is a lifeline. For Afghanistan, where decades of war have already fractured infrastructure and access to education, the internet had become an essential tool for survival. Women and girls, who have been barred from attending school beyond grade six, increasingly rely on online classes as their only means of continued education. Humanitarian aid groups used digital platforms to mobilize support, coordinate logistics, and raise funds. Afghan families – many separated by borders – maintained bonds through daily calls and messages. This blackout extinguishes those channels.

The timing of the shutdown is deeply suspect. It comes not only amid growing internal dissent and worsening economic conditions but also shortly after United States (US) President Donald J. Trump floated the idea of negotiating to retake Bagram Air Base. The blackout’s sudden onset, lack of clarity, and nationwide scale suggest a strategic attempt by the Taliban to suppress information and control narratives. Cutting off communication, particularly when questions about secret deals or military developments are circulating, raises fears of state censorship and information blackouts reminiscent of the Taliban’s first regime in the 1990s.

Economically, the consequences are disastrous. Afghanistan’s fragile economy, already crippled by sanctions, isolation, and aid cuts, is now paralyzed. Small businesses reliant on digital transactions have gone dark. Remittances – on which millions of Afghan families depend – cannot be sent or received. Online marketplaces, mobile banking, digital wallets, and even basic communications required for supply chain operations are all frozen. The informal hawala system, often used for transferring money, also faces interruptions as money changers lose contact with clients and banking access stalls.

The blackout is a calculated move to suppress dissent, enforce ideological purity, and tighten control over an already subjugated population. The regime’s hypocrisy is evident: while banning internet access for ordinary citizens, Taliban officials continue to use platforms like WhatsApp, X (formerly Twitter), and Telegram, to communicate and propagate their agenda. These dual standards underscore the authoritarian logic driving the decision – control for the people, freedom for the rulers.

The internet blackout in Afghanistan is a dangerous authoritarian overreach that deepens the country’s isolation, exacerbates humanitarian suffering, and dismantles critical pathways for education, commerce, and human connection.

Deepak Kumar Nayak

Deepak Kumar Nayak, Research Associate, Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi, India

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