Colombo-based Sunday Morning reports that Sri Lanka was unexpectedly thrust into the center of escalating hostilities between Iran, Israel, and the United States, after a US Navy submarine torpedoed the Iranian warship IRIS Dena on 4 March just outside the island nation’s territorial waters. The attack, occurring nearly 20 nautical miles south of Galle, triggered an urgent maritime rescue operation and put the government on the defensive, forcing it to navigate complex international law while maintaining neutrality.
In an interview, Ministry of Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (Retd) Sampath Thuyacontha detailed the government’s response. “Our Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre received an email from the US Indo-Pacific fleet at 0508 hours, indicating an emergency situation south of Galle,” he said. “The location was outside our territorial waters, but we have search and rescue obligations. Six Navy vessels and an Air Force patrol aircraft were immediately dispatched. We rescued over 30 survivors and recovered the remains of 84 Iranian sailors.”
Thuyacontha emphasized that Sri Lanka’s actions were fully compliant with international law. “We analysed the Hague Convention, Geneva Convention, UNCLOS, and the San Remo Manual. We acted based on our obligations to international law, our foreign policy principles, and our desire to save lives,” he said. The defence secretary also underscored that the US did not admit to attacking the vessel. “They didn’t say anything about an attack. They notified us of an emergency. That is the reporting procedure during conventional war,” he explained.
The crisis escalated when Iran requested port access for its auxiliary vessel, IRIS Booshehr. “There was a request from Iran to dock three ships at Colombo Port, effective 9 March,” Thuyacontha explained. “But when the war started, a new request came asking for immediate access. They wanted to stay longer than the 24 hours allowed under international law. We could not allow that. Colombo is the heart of Sri Lanka’s economy; we cannot risk national interest and stability.”
He was equally forceful about other warring parties. “Requests came from other countries to use our ports and airports. None were taken up because of international law. These vessels cannot stay longer than 24 hours in our ports during conflict, and all must vacate the port within that timeframe. The requests we received sought a prolonged stay—we cannot allow that.”
Thuyacontha also addressed allegations that Sri Lanka’s delay in granting port access contributed to the sinking of the IRIS Dena. “Even while handling a delicate diplomatic matter, some in Parliament and outside tried to mislead the public with misinformation. These are the very same politicians who cry foul when we sign MOUs with friendly nations on defence, humanitarian assistance, and security programmes. They shout that our neutrality has been compromised. How wrong they are. Take this incident—our actions were fully consistent with our neutrality and international law,” he stated.
As the Booshehr entered Sri Lankan waters due to engine trouble, Colombo faced a delicate challenge. “Since it declared engine trouble and entered our territorial waters, we had to ensure no one attacked it. We acted in our national interest and coordinated diplomatically at the highest level. The President was directly involved. We cannot allow a foreign vessel to be attacked in our waters,” Thuyacontha said. The vessel was interned at Trincomalee, the island’s main naval base, as “it is a military affair. Other ports are mainly commercial. Trincomalee has designated areas for naval operations and space to keep the vessel anchored safely.”
All Iranian sailors, including the injured, remain under Sri Lanka’s supervision. “As per international conventions, we cannot dispatch them to Iran or elsewhere during the conflict. They are interned in our military facilities. The remains of the 84 deceased sailors will be repatriated by civil aircraft from a third-party arrangement at Mattala Airport,” he added.
The incident also exposed gaps in Sri Lanka’s maritime domain awareness. “Ideally, the Navy should detect and identify activity on the surface and underwater. The gaps have been well known for some time. We are prioritising what we spend on, but we will modernise, acquire sonar, and consider unmanned aerial systems for seaward surveillance,” Thuyacontha said.
The Defence Review 2030 will be updated in light of these developments. “We will likely make changes in administration, recruitment, and training. We want the best of our youth to join the armed forces and improve our contribution to UN peacekeeping operations,” he said.
Thuyacontha also addressed allegations that the Sri Lanka Navy Commander had invited Iranian ships during the Indian Navy International Fleet Review in Visakhapatnam. “It is customary to extend invitations to all participating navies. No specific invitation was issued to any navy. Even if an invitation is extended, diplomatic clearance and approval procedures must be followed,” he clarified.
As global disruptions increase, Colombo aims to strengthen regional security cooperation. “The Colombo Security Conclave is a platform we can build on. We are keen to improve maritime security cooperation with regional and extra-regional partners. This incident has highlighted our strategic importance and the need for robust, principled engagement,” he said.
The IRIS Dena and Booshehr cases illustrate the complex balancing act Sri Lanka has undertaken: refusing Iranian requests for extended port calls, saving lives at sea, adhering to international law, and maintaining neutrality—all while modernising the armed forces and safeguarding national interests. Colombo has demonstrated that even a small island nation can assert authority in global geopolitics, navigating a dangerous maritime flashpoint with caution, lawfulness, and strategic foresight.
