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China’s Calculated Silence Amid US-Israel Strikes on Iran

As the Middle East teeters on the edge of upheaval, Beijing remains measured, balancing economic stakes and geopolitical caution in a high-risk conflict.

3 mins read
Chinese President Xi Jinping

On February 28, a coordinated air campaign by the United States and Israel struck targets across Iran, killing Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and several senior officials, in what is being called one of the most severe blows to the Iranian leadership in decades. Iran swiftly retaliated, launching missiles and drones at US military bases in the region and targeting Israel, igniting a spiraling conflict that has left global powers watching anxiously. Amid this rapid escalation, China’s response has been notably measured, prompting questions about Beijing’s strategic calculations and its broader interests in the Middle East.

China’s initial reaction was carefully worded. On the day of the strikes, a spokesperson for the Chinese Foreign Ministry expressed “high concern” over the attacks, emphasizing that Iran’s sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity must be respected. The spokesperson urged an immediate cessation of hostilities and called for a return to dialogue and negotiations to maintain peace and stability. Notably, China did not issue a formal condemnation of the US and Israeli actions, choosing instead to frame its comments as answers to journalists’ questions.

In a United Nations meeting on the same day, China’s permanent representative Fu Cong echoed this cautious stance, highlighting that the strikes had triggered a sudden escalation in regional tensions. He reminded the assembly that China advocates adherence to the principles of the UN Charter and opposes the use or threat of force in international relations. Yet, even in these comments, Fu avoided labeling the strikes as “aggression” or directly condemning the US and Israel. This contrasts sharply with Russia’s immediate denunciation of the strikes as “a preplanned and unprovoked act of armed aggression,” demonstrating Beijing’s deliberate choice to stay on the sidelines publicly.

Analysts suggest that China’s measured response reflects a desire to avoid taking sides in a conflict that could reshape the Middle East. Supporting Iran openly could complicate Beijing’s future dealings with any successor authorities if the current regime collapses under the weight of these losses. By maintaining a cautious posture, China is buying time to assess the evolving situation while safeguarding its long-term economic and strategic interests.

Chinese public opinion mirrors this ambivalence. On social media platforms, some commentators lament Iran’s repeated failures to defend its leadership against US-Israeli strikes, while others warn that escalating military confrontations threaten regional stability and could put China under growing international pressure. Still, another segment of online observers views the potential downfall of the Iranian regime as a strategic lesson, suggesting that China might benefit indirectly from any reconfiguration of power in the region.

China’s economic stakes in Iran are significant but not existential. According to Bloomberg, China accounts for roughly a third of Iran’s trade, although Iran represents less than 1 percent of China’s total foreign trade. Since signing a 25-year strategic cooperation agreement in 2021, including a reported $400 billion pledge of investment, implementation has been slow. Beyond Iran, China’s commercial interests in the Gulf region are far larger, spanning energy, infrastructure, and finance.

Energy security is a particular concern. Iran supplies roughly 10 to 13 percent of China’s crude oil imports. The ongoing conflict has already driven global oil prices higher and disrupted key transportation routes such as the Strait of Hormuz, raising import costs and contributing to domestic inflationary pressures. Additionally, China has invested over $100 billion in Iranian energy and infrastructure projects, which could stall due to the fighting or as a result of sanctions. Secondary US sanctions targeting the renminbi settlement system with Iran could further complicate China’s financial dealings.

Despite these risks, some analysts see potential strategic opportunities. A drawn-out US entanglement in the Middle East could divert Washington’s focus away from the Indo-Pacific, creating a window for Beijing to expand influence. The crisis might also encourage oil-exporting nations to explore transactions in renminbi rather than the dollar, aligning with China’s long-term strategy to internationalize its currency and strengthen energy cooperation with partners in Russia, Central Asia, and Africa.

China’s measured approach reflects a pragmatic calculus. Economic ties with Iran are important, but they do not outweigh the risks of alienating other global actors or becoming entangled in a wider military conflict. Security implications for China are limited due to geographic distance, and Beijing can likely maintain engagement with Iran regardless of which faction assumes power. This strategic patience aligns with China’s broader foreign policy approach: prioritize economic interests, avoid overcommitment in volatile conflicts, and leverage opportunities that arise from global instability without direct confrontation.

As the conflict continues to unfold, the world is watching whether Iran can sustain its counterattacks and whether the regime can survive the loss of its top leadership. For China, the stakes are clear: navigate carefully between principle and pragmatism, safeguard trade and energy supplies, and remain poised to seize strategic advantages while avoiding entanglement in a volatile regional war. In the eyes of Beijing, silence and caution are not indecision—they are strategic instruments in a high-stakes geopolitical game.

Sri Lanka Guardian

The Sri Lanka Guardian is an online web portal founded in August 2007 by a group of concerned Sri Lankan citizens including journalists, activists, academics and retired civil servants. We are independent and non-profit. Email: editor@slguardian.org

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