Ashok Abeysinghe, deputy secretary of Sri Lanka’s Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), has resigned from the party and all positions he held within it, citing opposition to its current political approach and expressing doubts about its ability to win power. His departure has intensified criticism of an opposition that, despite holding 66 parliamentary seats collectively, is struggling to match the government’s political influence both inside and outside Parliament.
In his resignation letter, Abeysinghe questioned whether the SJB could ever secure government under its present course. His criticism reflects a broader debate about the opposition’s ability to challenge the administration, expose its weaknesses and unite voters dissatisfied with its performance.
The opposition’s weakness has become sufficiently pronounced for the government to describe it as a “ruins opposition”, a term suggesting a political force with little practical value. Yet the current situation differs from an earlier period of parliamentary weakness in the 1980s, when opposition representation was considerably smaller but opposition parties retained electoral support.
Between 1983 and 1989, the parliamentary opposition had only about 10 to 12 MPs. The Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), then its principal grouping, was absent from Parliament after 1983. Opposition leader Anura Bandaranaike also faced public allegations that he was engaged in political deals with the government.
Despite its limited parliamentary numbers, the opposition demonstrated its ability to mobilise voters. In 1983, opposition parties won four of the 18 by-elections held by the government, securing Maharagama, Matugama, Akmeemana and Baddegama. The result in the Mahara constituency, which the government won, was also questioned.
The present opposition has no comparable shortage of parliamentary representation. Its collective strength stands at 66 MPs, yet critics argue that it remains politically behind the governing party. The central problem, according to the criticism directed at the opposition, is not the number of legislators available but the failure to translate that strength into an effective public campaign.
The government has benefited from a publicity operation that gives considerable prominence to relatively small development projects, including the renovation of bus stops, the installation of water pipes and the start of construction on additional floors of existing buildings. Critics of the opposition argue that it has failed to challenge the impression created by such announcements or demonstrate where the government’s public presentation differs from its actual performance.
A similar failure is alleged in the government’s campaign against corruption. The president and other government leaders have publicly highlighted efforts to prosecute alleged wrongdoing by members of previous administrations. However, a statement in Parliament that arrests were being made in cases filed during the previous Yahapalana administration has been cited as evidence that the government’s claims require closer scrutiny. The opposition has been criticised for failing to make this distinction a central part of its public campaign.
The SJB has also faced questions over its reluctance to reunite with the United National Party (UNP), its political predecessor. Critics argue that Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe contesting the last presidential election from the same political camp could have altered the electoral outcome, in which Anura Kumara Dissanayake emerged victorious. They question why the SJB has not made a more determined effort to pursue cooperation with the UNP, even if an alliance with the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna remains less attractive to the party.
Meanwhile, opposition figures allege that the government targets leaders it considers political threats through arrests and legal action. Some observers suggest that the desire among opposition politicians to avoid becoming targets themselves may contribute to their reluctance to confront the administration. Such interpretations remain allegations rather than established explanations for the opposition’s conduct.
Sri Lanka has previously seen opposition MPs facing allegations of personal wrongdoing move closer to the government. Critics warn that any similar pattern today would further weaken the opposition’s credibility. The immediate challenge for the SJB and other opposition parties is whether they can consolidate public dissatisfaction with the government into a coherent political challenge, rather than allow that discontent to remain fragmented.
