Successive pre-Aragalaya governments appointed Presidential Commissions of Inquiry (PCoI) as well as various other committees for specific purposes to dissipate pressure from contentious issues. This despicable strategy was also used to divert public attention, suppress truth and delay the due process. The governments’ agenda was implemented at the public expense.
Governments squandered public funds on such mechanisms knowing that recommendations made by the committees concerned wouldn’t be implemented.
They had no qualms in resorting to such tactics, both in and outside Parliament. Appointment of Parliamentary Select Committees (PSC) is part of their overall strategy. Parliament should examine the cost of such endeavors, since 1977, and make the information public.
There had been many such commissions during pre-Aragalaya period and governments used them as political tools. Expert/Special committees as well as Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), a financial oversight committee, were often used to take the pressure off the government.
Recommendations made by PCoIs and other committees, however, hadn’t been fully implemented, though they had significant findings. In some instances, consequences were devastating. There cannot be a better example than the PCoI, appointed in late 2019, to probe the Easter Sunday carnage. President Sirisena appointed the PCoI but his successor, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, received the recommendations in February 2021. The recommendations were largely ignored. The President’s inaction ultimately contributed to the Catholic Church throwing its weight behind the campaign to oust the President, carried out in the following year.
Unfortunately, the incumbent government, having found fault with previous governments for time-wasting committees, is no exception.
The JVP- led NPP has proved in no uncertain terms that the appointment of various types of commissions is in line with its political strategy, too. Having lambasted previous governments for exploiting such mechanisms to their advantage, the JVP-NPP has ended up doing the same.
Those who genuinely believed in total transformation of government, in keeping with the much-touted objectives of Aragalaya, in the run-up to the 2024 Sept. presidential poll, never expected the JVP-NPP to take the same old path. Perhaps, the JVP-NPP had been determined not to take cover behind various commissions and committees, as previous governments did, though two major crisis compelled them to adopt previous governments’ strategies. Obviously, it had no option but to take counter measures to protect its interests as the public reacted with dismay to the release of highly suspicious 323 containers, marked with red label, from the Colombo Port, in January 2025, without even any cursory check, and the mega coal scam that erupted several months later. The coal scam shook the government.
Amidst public uproar, Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne, at the behest of their party, appointed a PSC to investigate the release of containers without mandatory physical inspection. This was done on the pretext of tackling Port congestion. The PSC, headed by Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, embroiled in a number of controversies, is yet to submit its report. Therefore, the PSC proceedings inevitably resulted in relief to those responsible for want of law enforcement action. We cannot forget that the container case happened 19 months ago and the whole investigative process moved at a snail’s pace.
Responding to the writer’s query, key member of PSC, Attorney-at-law Ajith P. Perera (SJB/Kalutara) said that the gathering of evidence has been completed. “We are now awaiting the first draft of the PSC recommendations from its head, Minister Nanayakkara.” According to the SJBer, the PSC had not met over the past three months. The process appears to have been deliberately delayed by the Chairman, the lawmaker alleged. The former UNPer said that the NPP’s response to the obvious Colombo Port container scam of the government is deeply disappointing and unacceptable.
It would be pertinent to mention that the PSC, headed by Attorney-at-Law Nanayakkara, was named on 27 Nov., 2025, 10 months after the Colombo Port controversy. By the time the PSC began inquiring into the container case, the coal scam, perpetrated by the Power Ministry, was already in the public domain.
The coal scam was revealed by Pubudu Jayagoda of the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP), in August 2025. Jayagoda’s revelation should be examined taking into consideration that the FSP was formed by an influential section of the JVP that split from the party in 2011. The FSP was officially launched in April 2012. But, the main Opposition party, the SJB, was somewhat slow. The SJB parliamentary group consists of 40 lawmakers. Ranil Wickremesinghe-led New Democratic Front (NDF) with five MPs and the SLPP comprising three lawmakers didn’t even bother to take up the issue soon after the FSP, erstwhile comrades of the JVP, made the gutty disclosure. However, the SJB subsequently took charge of the campaigns against the Port controversy and the Coal scam.
By early January 2026, the Coal scam gripped the country. But, the NPP, in spite of a devastating report by the National Audit Office (NAO) that directly held the Energy Ministry responsible for the massive crisis, strenuously defended the then Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, despite him already being embroiled in an earlier scam. Having blasted previous governments for defending wrongdoers, the NPP defeated the SJB-led no-faith motion moved against Jayakody in April this year. But, relentless political pressure finally compelled President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to ask Jayakody to quit. Ministry Secretary Professor Udayanga Hemapala, too, resigned. They resigned soon after the JVP-NPP defeated the no-faith motion. But, the thick skinned Jayakody continues to serve as a government member with no shame or remorse from either party. Can the country expect anything better from the JVP-NPP?
President Dissanayake appointed a Special Presidential Commission of Inquiry (SPCoI), in April 2026, to probe coal procurement from 2009. Recently President Dissanayake extended the Commission’s mandate till Dec. this year. By Dec., 2026, the JVP-NPP government would have completed three years in power and two years short of completing its term. Whatever the outcome of the SPCoI, the NAO report had ruined the JVP-NPP image.
House investigation
The JVP-NPP owed the country an explanation why Jayakody was chosen as the Energy Minister as he had been already under investigation by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC). Since then Jayakody had been indicted by the Colombo High Court over a corruption case, under Section 70 of the Bribery or Corruption Act.
The CIABOC alleged that while serving as the procurement manager of the Lanka Fertiliser Company (Ceylon Fertiliser Company) in 2014/2016, Jayakody influenced a particular procurement process related to carpeting the company’s Hunupitiya warehouse complex, granting an undue advantage to a private firm and causing a financial loss of over Rs. 8,859,708 to the state. He denied the allegation like any other accused.
The Opposition questioned why Jayakody hadn’t been remanded or at least remanded for a short period after being arrested, whereas all others arrested in connection with corruption allegations were remanded, pending investigations/court proceedings, especially if they were connected to the Opposition.
In addition to the SPCoI on coal procurement, the Parliament appointed a committee, headed by SJB frontliner S.M. Marikkar (SJB/Colombo District), in early August, 2026, to probe financial losses, adverse environmental impact, etc., caused by low quality coal procured from South Africa, via Trident Chemiphar Ltd., an Indian company that hadn’t been at least qualified to take part in the tender process.
Their report, tabled in Parliament on 7 Oct., 2026, delivered a devastating blow to the government. Addressing the media at the Opposition Leader’s Office, former UNPer Marikkar, on the basis of the parliamentary report, estimated the losses to the country, from the shady deal, at Rs 20 bn, while Energy Minister Karunatilake and his predecessor Jayakody placed the losses at over Rs. 15 bn. Both parties based their estimates on the report. Marikkar alleged that the Energy Minister and his predecessor conveniently ignored certain sections of the report thereby reaching the wrong conclusion with regard to the colossal loss.
Both NAO and Marikkar’s report exposed the Energy Ministry. The writer had an opportunity to peruse the parliamentary report recently. Regardless of the government seeking to reassure the public that the losses could be recovered and the environmental damage minimal, the report depicted a catastrophic situation and even causing significant damages to the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. The parliamentary report also represented by JVP-NPP members dealt a devastating blow to the government and also reinforced the NAO report.
The NPP definitely suffered irreparable damage. It would be ridiculous for them to campaign on an anti-corruption platform in the future as the release of 323 containers, sans physical inspection and procurement of low quality of South African coal, demolished the much-touted and valued NPP’s anti-corruption credentials beyond redemption.
For how long has the NPP intended to drag the container and coal issues? And they weren’t the only issues that ruined the NPP. The still unexplainable loss of USD 2.5 mn and the mysterious alleged suicide by Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksha, Assistant Director/Acting Director, assigned to the External Resources Department (ERD), interdicted over the incident, proved the NPP were not the bright doctorates’ hugging comrades they tried to make out to be, but cheap con artists. The breach happened within the ERD responsible for foreign funded payments and external debt serving.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently referred to the loss of USD 2.5 mn though the government pretended it was not so.
The status of the investigation is not known though the Committee on Public Finance (CoPF), headed by SJB lawmaker Dr. Harsha de Silva, found fault with the government for the unprecedented breach. The JVP-NPP that had been boasting of good governance and transparency in the run up to the national elections, in 2024, ended up being exposed to the core.
Responding to a query posed by the writer, lawmaker de Silva said that the government had no other option but to cover the loss of USD 2.5 mn by way of taxes imposed on the public. The government conveniently refrained from responding to the CoPF chief for obvious reasons. Regardless of humiliating developments, thick skinned JVP-NPPers continue to act as if they are squeaky clean. Public exposure of three major corruption cases, namely the Colombo Port container issue, low quality South African coal and unbelievable loss of USD 2.5 mn, considerably weakened the ruling party. Close on the heels of the USD 2.5 mn loss, Sri Lanka Post caused the disappearence of USD 625,000.
The NPP seems unable to cope up with the snowballing situation. The government has no other option than adopting delaying tactics while conducting intensive social media campaigns. However, public support seems to be dwindling as the NPP completed three out of a five-year parliamentary term, this month.
An unexpected development
On top of corruption allegations and controversy over the missing USD 2.5 mn, the NPP now faced the daunting task of defending Speaker Wickramaratne against SJB-led Opposition no-confidence motion against the Polonnaruwa district MP. MP Wickramaratne, too, faces unprecedented corruption charges.
The JVP-NPP, with a steamroller majority in Parliament, can easily defeat the no-faith motion. Dissanayake, leader of both the JVP and the NPP, commands 2/3 majority in Parliament and defeating the Opposition move against Wickramaratne is child’s play. The JVP-NPP defeated the no-confidence motion against Energy Minister Jayakody last April and it can do the same again. The enactment of the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, regardless of fierce opposition and strong stand taken by the Mahanayake Theras, underscored the government approach. JVP-NPP wouldn’t deviate from its strategy whatever the concerns raised.
Having initially declared its readiness to debate the allegations against Wickramaratne anytime, the JVP-NPP later sought a consensus with the SJB to amend the motion. The JVP-NPP seems to be seriously concerned over the developing situation. The government wants to avoid being publicly humiliated. The impact on the JVP-NPP can be quite devastating. The no-confidence motion needs to be examined, also taking into consideration the unprecedented case filed by sacked Deputy Secretary General and ex-Chief of Staff of Parliament, Chaminda Kularatne, against Dr. Wickramaratne. The government probably didn’t expect Kularatne to fight back. The sacked parliamentary official’s counter-attack obviously contributed to the SJB-led no-faith motion.
The Opposition challenged the Speaker over his personal conduct and corruption. Obviously, the challenges faced by the ruling party is not the defending the accused parliamentarian but the nature of allegations. The no-faith motion revealed how Dr. Wickramaratne, having succeeded Asoka Ranwala, the previous disgraced Speaker in Dec., 2024, abused the authority of his Office even after the matter was brought to the notice of the government. Now it is the moment of truth for the government on the verge of entering its fourth year in office.
Speaker Wickramaratne’s conduct, as alleged by the Opposition, badly exposed the NPP whose leaders can no longer preach good governance to other political parties. This particular case again underscored the failure of the top leadership of a political party to intervene the moment the media focused on an MP. The JVP used to act swiftly and decisively when allegations were made against its members. There cannot be a better example than removing Anuruddha Polgampola from its parliamentary group soon after the party established the MP facilitated the illegal entry of a person to Japan. This happened during the 2004-2010 period. The JVP acted on its own. In fact, the party never waited for the police to take action. In fact, the then government didn’t bother even to initiate legal action. Instead, Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP later accommodated Polgampola. That should be dealt separately.
Polgampola was exposed during Somawansa Amarasinghe’s leadership. There hadn’t been a similar case before. Polgampola’s resignation was demanded by the party immediately after the media exposed the first time entrant to Parliament. The JVP had 39 members in Parliament, elected on the People’s Alliance ticket (Betel leaf) at that time and the group set new disciplinary standards much to the discomfort of other political parties.
But, in the case of the incumbent Speaker, the JVP seems hesitant to take action. The government indecision has boosted the Opposition. No holds barred attack on top JVPer Dr. Wickramaratne caused a sort of rift between those who wanted to shield the Speaker at any cost and the rest.
Amidst continuing furor over the Speaker’s action and NPP’s inaction, the former had undertaken more foreign visits.
Lauries Lane quarters for Speaker
Let me mention some of the accusations:
(1) While having an official residence for official and personal use, Dr. Wickramaratne secured additional official quarters at No 8-1 on Lauries Lane, Colombo 4 belonging to the Public Administration, Provincial Councils and Local Government Ministry. This was done in January 2025, just weeks after he succeeded Asoka Ranwala who quit the Speaker’s post following his failure to prove much claimed higher educational qualifications. The Opposition has stressed that Dr. Wickramaratne perpetrated an offense of ‘corruption’ under the Anti-Corruption Act of No 09 of 2023.
(2) While occupying the Lauries Lane quarters, the Speaker, the Opposition alleged, had been assigned an eight-member staff to manage the official residence, situated at Rajamalwatta, Battaramulla. The staff had been paid Rs 760,000 (in salaries and allowances on a monthly basis), in addition to meeting water and electricity bills by the state.
(3) The Speaker, according to the no-faith motion, also secured official quarters at No 4-3, from the Laurie’s Lane, for his private secretary.
The list of allegations is long. On the basis of the listed allegations, the Opposition accused the Speaker of criminal misappropriation and criminal breach of trust.
Examination of the motion in the public domain underscored the deterioration of parliamentary standards. The disclosure of allegations against top JVPer placed the government in an extremely embarrassing situation but thick skinned politicians and officials conveniently turn a blind eye to the unfortunate situation. Against the backdrop of damning no-faith motion, various parliament-led projects, including student parliament, seem a waste of time and energy.
Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, too, who served as Speaker during the previous Parliament, was accused of employing relatives on his staff. Abeywardena went ahead with his agenda, regardless of media exposure and criticism.
But, the still-to-be debated no-faith motion has not only exposed the Speaker but the top JVP-NPP leadership response to what can be safely described as an utterly unacceptable situation. Perhaps polls monitoring organisations, such as the PAFFREL, should inquire into the developments in Parliament if their own behaviour is above board.
In terms of the Constitution, the Speaker chairs the 10-member Constitutional Council meant to depoliticize appointments, ensure checks and balances pertaining to the executive and legislature and promote good governance. Of the 10, the Prime Minister, the Speaker, and Opposition Leader are ex-officio members.
The JVP-NPP forgot that the no-confidence motion against Yapa was debated while there were altogether nine cases against him in the Supreme Court. The JVP-NPP members voted against Yapa. But, today the same party sought to compel the SJB to amend the no-faith motion against Dr. Wickramaratne with no shame, while the whole country is watching in shock.
***
Former President of the BASL Saliya Pieris recently pointed out how recommendations made by the Committee on the proposed PSTA, which is being introduced to replace the PTA, were disregarded by the government. The top lawyer questioned the very basis of the Committee’s appointment if the government had no intention of implementing the recommendations made.
Pieris disagreed on three aspects, namely the definition of Terrorism (which, in his view, is too broad and liable to be abused by the authorities); administrative detention (which, in his view, should be in the hands of judicial officers and not the Secretary to a Ministry), and the power to proscribe organisations (which, in his view, should be left to a judicial authority).
Pieris said: “Apart from those provisions, all the members of the Committee agreed on the other provisions, including those on limiting the detention period and enabling the Magistrate to grant bail where there was no material against a suspect.
When I examined the Bill, tabled before Parliament, I observed that there have been major deviations from what was agreed on at the Committee, especially relating to the bail provisions and the process of extending detention.
The Committee was never made aware of these changes or of the reasons for the changes. The Committee has not been told as to who or what caused these changes to be made without any consultation with the Committee. Accordingly, yesterday I wrote to the Chairman of the Committee identifying how the Bill has deviated from the Committee report.
The Committee included members of the Attorney General’s Department, officials of the Ministry of Justice, the police and the forces as well as several PCs and Attorneys-at-Law and an MP.
If the Bill, in its present form, is passed, there will continue to be prolonged detention under the PSTA. Magistrates will be compelled to remand suspects produced under the PSTA even if there is no material against them. The abuse of the PSTA by politicians in power and by the police and security authorities, similar to what happened under the PTA, will be inevitable.”
The government strategy was clear. It had no intention of adhering to the committee report. It was meant to take time.
